war of the classes-第10部分

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the　human　heart。　　It　is　far　easier　to　arrive　at　what　may　be　called　a

technical　definition；　worded　in　commercial　terms；　as；　for　instance；

that　A　SCAB　IS　ONE　WHO　GIVES　MORE　VALUE　FOR　THE　SAME　PRICE　THAN

ANOTHER。



The　laborer　who　gives　more　time　or　strength　or　skill　for　the　same

wage　than　another；　or　equal　time　or　strength　or　skill　for　a　less

wage；　is　a　scab。　　This　generousness　on　his　part　is　hurtful　to　his

fellow…laborers；　for　it　compels　them　to　an　equal　generousness　which

is　not　to　their　liking；　and　which　gives　them　less　of　food　and

shelter。　　But　a　word　may　be　said　for　the　scab。　　Just　as　his　act

makes　his　rivals　compulsorily　generous；　so　do　they；　by　fortune　of

birth　and　training；　make　compulsory　his　act　of　generousness。　　He

does　not　scab　because　he　wants　to　scab。　　No　whim　of　the　spirit；　no

burgeoning　of　the　heart；　leads　him　to　give　more　of　his　labor　power

than　they　for　a　certain　sum。



It　is　because　he　cannot　get　work　on　the　same　terms　as　they　that　he

is　a　scab。　　There　is　less　work　than　there　are　men　to　do　work。　　This

is　patent；　else　the　scab　would　not　loom　so　large　on　the　labor…market

horizon。　　Because　they　are　stronger　than　he；　or　more　skilled；　or

more　energetic；　it　is　impossible　for　him　to　take　their　places　at　the

same　wage。　　To　take　their　places　he　must　give　more　value；　must　work

longer　hours　or　receive　a　smaller　wage。　　He　does　so；　and　he　cannot

help　it；　for　his　will　〃to　live〃　is　driving　him　on　as　well　as　they

are　being　driven　on　by　their　will　〃to　live〃；　and　to　live　he　must　win

food　and　shelter；　which　he　can　do　only　by　receiving　permission　to

work　from　some　man　who　owns　a　bit　of　land　or　a　piece　of　machinery。

And　to　receive　permission　from　this　man；　he　must　make　the

transaction　profitable　for　him。



Viewed　in　this　light；　the　scab；　who　gives　more　labor　power　for　a

certain　price　than　his　fellows；　is　not　so　generous　after　all。　　He　is

no　more　generous　with　his　energy　than　the　chattel　slave　and　the

convict　laborer；　who；　by　the　way；　are　the　almost　perfect　scabs。

They　give　their　labor　power　for　about　the　minimum　possible　price。

But；　within　limits；　they　may　loaf　and　malinger；　and；　as　scabs；　are

exceeded　by　the　machine；　which　never　loafs　and　malingers　and　which

is　the　ideally　perfect　scab。



It　is　not　nice　to　be　a　scab。　　Not　only　is　it　not　in　good　social

taste　and　comradeship；　but；　from　the　standpoint　of　food　and　shelter；

it　is　bad　business　policy。　　Nobody　desires　to　scab；　to　give　most　for

least。　　The　ambition　of　every　individual　is　quite　the　opposite；　to

give　least　for　most；　and；　as　a　result；　living　in　a　tooth…and…nail

society；　battle　royal　is　waged　by　the　ambitious　individuals。　　But　in

its　most　salient　aspect；　that　of　the　struggle　over　the　division　of

the　joint　product；　it　is　no　longer　a　battle　between　individuals；　but

between　groups　of　individuals。　　Capital　and　labor　apply　themselves

to　raw　material；　make　something　useful　out　of　it；　add　to　its　value；

and　then　proceed　to　quarrel　over　the　division　of　the　added　value。

Neither　cares　to　give　most　for　least。　　Each　is　intent　on　giving　less

than　the　other　and　on　receiving　more。



Labor　combines　into　its　unions；　capital　into　partnerships；

associations；　corporations；　and　trusts。　　A　group…struggle　is　the

result；　in　which　the　individuals；　as　individuals；　play　no　part。　　The

Brotherhood　of　Carpenters　and　Joiners；　for　instance；　serves　notice

on　the　Master　Builders'　Association　that　it　demands　an　increase　of

the　wage　of　its　members　from　3。50　a　day　to　4；　and　a　Saturday　half…

holiday　without　pay。　　This　means　that　the　carpenters　are　trying　to

give　less　for　more。　　Where　they　received　21　for　six　full　days；　they

are　endeavoring　to　get　22　for　five　days　and　a　half；that　is；　they

will　work　half　a　day　less　each　week　and　receive　a　dollar　more。



Also；　they　expect　the　Saturday　half…holiday　to　give　work　to　one

additional　man　for　each　eleven　previously　employed。　　This　last

affords　a　splendid　example　of　the　development　of　the　group　idea。　　In

this　particular　struggle　the　individual　has　no　chance　at　all　for

life。　　The　individual　carpenter　would　be　crushed　like　a　mote　by　the

Master　Builders'　Association；　and　like　a　mote　the　individual　master

builder　would　be　crushed　by　the　Brotherhood　of　Carpenters　and

Joiners。



In　the　group…struggle　over　the　division　of　the　joint　product；　labor

utilizes　the　union　with　its　two　great　weapons；　the　strike　and　the

boycott；　while　capital　utilizes　the　trust　and　the　association；　the

weapons　of　which　are　the　black…list；　the　lockout；　and　the　scab。　　The

scab　is　by　far　the　most　formidable　weapon　of　the　three。　　He　is　the

man　who　breaks　strikes　and　causes　all　the　trouble。　　Without　him

there　would　be　no　trouble；　for　the　strikers　are　willing　to　remain

out　peacefully　and　indefinitely　so　long　as　other　men　are　not　in

their　places；　and　so　long　as　the　particular　aggregation　of　capital

with　which　they　are　fighting　is　eating　its　head　off　in　enforced

idleness。



But　both　warring　groups　have　reserve　weapons。　　Were　it　not　for　the

scab；　these　weapons　would　not　be　brought　into　play。　　But　the　scab

takes　the　place　of　the　striker；　who　begins　at　once　to　wield　a　most

powerful　weapon；　terrorism。　　The　will　〃to　live〃　of　the　scab　recoils

from　the　menace　of　broken　bones　and　violent　death。　　With　all　due

respect　to　the　labor　leaders；　who　are　not　to　be　blamed　for　volubly

asseverating　otherwise；　terrorism　is　a　well…defined　and　eminently

successful　policy　of　the　labor　unions。　　It　has　probably　won　them

more　strikes　than　all　the　rest　of　the　weapons　in　their　arsenal。

This　terrorism；　however；　must　be　clearly　understood。　　It　is　directed

solely　against　the　scab；　placing　him　in　such　fear　for　life　and　limb

as　to　drive　him　out　of　the　contest。　　But　when　terrorism　gets　out　of

hand　and　inoffensive　non…combatants　are　injured；　law　and　order

threatened；　and　property　destroyed；　it　becomes　an　edged　tool　that

cuts　both　ways。　　This　sort　of　terrorism　is　sincerely　deplored　by　the

labor　leaders；　for　it　has　probably　lost　them　as　many　strikes　as　have

been　lost　by　any　other　single　cause。



The　scab　is　powerless　under　terrorism。　　As　a　rule；　he　is　not　so　good

nor　gritty　a　man　as　the　men　he　is　displacing；　and　he　lacks　their

fighting　organization。　　He　stands　in　dire　need　of　stiffening　and

backing。　　His　employers；　the　capitalists；　draw　their　two　remaining

weapons；　the　ownership　of　which　is　debatable；　but　which　they　for　the

time　being　happen　to　control。　　These　two　weapons　may　be　called　the

political　and　judicial　machinery　of　society。　　When　the　scab　crumples

up　and　is　ready　to　go　down　before　the　fists；　bricks；　and　bullets　of

the　labor　group；　the　capitalist　group　puts　the　police　and　soldiers

into　the　field；　and　begins　a　general　bombardment　of　injunctions。

Victory　usually　follows；　for　the　labor　group　cannot　withstand　the

combined　assault　of　gatling　guns　and　injunctions。



But　it　has　been　noted　that　the　ownership　of　the　political　and

judicial　machinery　of　society　is　debatable。　　In　the　Titanic　struggle

over　the　division　of　the　joint　product；　each　group　reaches　out　for

every　available　weapon。　　Nor　are　they　blinded　by　the　smoke　of

conflict。　　They　fight　their　battles　as　coolly　and　collectedly　as

ever　battles　were　fought　on　paper。　　The　capitalist　group　has　long

since　realized　the　immense　importance　of　controlling　the　political

and　judicial　machinery　of　society。



Taught　by　gatlings　and　injunctions；　which　have　smashed　many　an

otherwise　successful　strike；　the　labor　group　is　beginning　to　realize

that　it　all　depends　upon　who　is　behind　and　who　is　before　the

gatlings　and　the　injunctions。　　And　he　who　knows　the　labor　movement

knows　that　there　is　slowly　growing　up　and　being　formulated　a　clear

and　definite　policy　for　the　capture　of　the　political　and　judicial

machinery。



This　is　the　terrible　spectre　which　Mr。　John　Graham　Brooks　sees

looming　portentously　over　the　twentieth　century　world。　　No　man　may

boast　a　more　intimate　knowledge　of　the　labor　movement　than　he；　and

he　reiterates　again　and　again　the　dangerous　likelihood　of　the　whole

labor　group　capturing　the　political　machinery　of　society。　　As　he

says　in　his　recent　book：　　｛6｝　〃It　is　not　probable　that　employers　can

destroy　unionism　in　the　United　States。　　Adroit　and　desperate

attempts　will；　however；　be　made；　if　we　mean　by　unionism　the

undisciplined　and　aggressive　fact　of　vigorous　and　determined

organizations。　　If　capital　should　prove　too　strong　in　this　struggle；

the　result　is　easy　to　predict。　　The　employers　have　only　to　convince

organized　labor　that　it　cannot　hold　its　own　against　the　capitalist

manager；　and　the　whole　energy　that　now　goes　to　the　union　will　turn

to　an　aggressive　political　socialism。　　It　will　not　be　the　harmless

sympathy　with　increased　city　and　state　functions　which　trade　unions

already　feel；　it　will　become　a　turbulent　political　force　bent　upon

using　every　weapon　of　taxation　against　the　rich。〃



This　struggle　not　to　be　a　scab；　to　avoid　giving　more　for　less　and　to

succeed　in　givi