north america-2-第12部分

快捷操作: 按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页 按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页 按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部! 如果本书没有阅读完，想下次继续接着阅读，可使用上方 "收藏到我的浏览器" 功能 和 "加入书签" 功能！

certain　articles　of　confederation。　　It　was　declared　that　each　State　retained　its　sovereignty；　freedom；　and　independence；　and　that　the　said　States　then　entered　severally　into　a　firm　league　of　friendship　with　each　other　for　their　common　defense。　　There　was　no　President；　no　Congress　taking　the　place　of　our　Parliament；　but　simply　a　congress　of　delegates　or　ambassadors；　two　or　three　from　each　State；　who　were　to　act　in　accordance　with　the　policy　of　their　own　individual　States。　It　is　well　that　this　should　be　thoroughly　understood；　not　as　bearing　on　the　question　of　the　present　war；　but　as　showing　that　a　loose　confederation；　not　subversive　of　the　separate　independence　of　the　States；　and　capable　of　being　partially　dissolved　at　the　will　of　each　separate　State；　was　tried；　and　was　found　to　fail。　　South　Carolina　took　upon　herself　to　act　as　she　might　have　acted　had　that　confederation　remained　in　force；　but　that　confederation　was　an　acknowledged　failure。　　National　greatness　could　not　be　achieved　under　it；　and　individual　enterprise　could　not　succeed　under　it。　Then　in　lieu　of　that；　by　the　united　consent　of　the　thirteen　States；　the　present　Constitution　was　drawn　up　and　sanctioned；　and　to　that　every　State　bound　itself　in　allegiance。　　In　that　Constitution　no　power　of　secession　is　either　named　or　presumed　to　exist。　　The　individual　sovereignty　of　the　States　had；　in　the　first　instance；　been　thought　desirable。　　The　young　republicans　hankered　after　the　separate　power　and　separate　name　which　each　might　then　have　achieved；　but　that　dream　had　been　found　vainand　therefore　the　States；　at　the　cost　of　some　fond　wishes；　agreed　to　seek　together　for　national　power　rather　than　run　the　risks　entailed　upon　separate　existence。　　Those　of　my　readers　who　may　be　desirous　of　examining　this　matter　for　themselves；　are　referred　to　the　Articles　of　Confederation　and　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States。　　The　latter　alone　is　clear　enough　on　the　subject；　but　is　strengthened　by　the　former　in　proving　that　under　the　latter　no　State　could　possess　the　legal　power　of　seceding。　But　they　who　created　the　Constitution；　who　framed　the　clauses；　and　gave　to　this　terribly　important　work　what　wisdom　they　possessed；　did　not　presume　to　think　that　it　could　be　final。　　The　mode　of　altering　the　Constitution　is　arranged　in　the　Constitution。　　Such　alterations　must　be　proposed　either　by　two…thirds　of　both　the　houses　of　the　general　Congress；　or　by　the　legislatures　of　two…thirds　of　the　States；　and　must；　when　so　proposed；　be　ratified　by　the　legislatures　of　three…fourths　of　the　States；　（Article　V。）　　There　can；　I　think；　be　no　doubt　that　any　alteration　so　carried　would　be　valideven　though　that　alteration　should　go　to　the　extent　of　excluding　one　or　any　number　of　States　from　the　Union。　　Any　division　so　made　would　be　made　in　accordance　with　the　Constitution。　South　Carolina　and　the　Southern　States　no　doubt　felt　that　they　would　not　succeed　in　obtaining　secession　in　this　way；　and　therefore　they　sought　to　obtain　the　separation　which　they　wanted　by　revolutionby　revolution　and　rebellion；　as　Naples　has　lately　succeeded　in　her　attempt　to　change　her　political　status；　as　Hungary　is　looking　to　do；　as　Poland　has　been　seeking　to　do　any　time　since　her　subjection；　as　the　revolted　colonies　of　Great　Britain　succeeded　in　doing　in　1776；　whereby　they　created　this　great　nation　which　is　now　undergoing　all　the　sorrows　of　a　civil　war。　　The　name　of　secession　claimed　by　the　South　for　this　movement　is　a　misnomer。　　If　any　part　of　a　nationality　or　empire　ever　rebelled　against　the　government　established　on　behalf　of　the　whole；　South　Carolina　so　rebelled　when；　on　the　20th　of　November；　1860；　she　put　forth　her　ordinance　of　so…called　secession；　and　the　other　Southern　States　joined　in　that　rebellion　when　they　followed　her　lead。　　As　to　that　fact；　there　cannot；　I　think；　much　longer　be　any　doubt　in　any　mind。　　I　insist　on　this　especially；　repeating　perhaps　unnecessarily　opinions　expressed　in　my　first　volume；　because　I　still　see　it　stated　by　English　writers　that　the　secession　ordinance　of　South　Carolina　should　have　been　accepted　as　a　political　act　by　the　Government　of　the　United　States。　　It　seems　to　me　that　no　government　can　in　this　way　accept　an　act　of　rebellion　without　declaring　its　own　functions　to　be　beyond　its　own　power。　But　what　if　such　rebellion　be　justifiable；　or　even　reasonable？　what　if　the　rebels　have　cause　for　their　rebellion？　　For　no　one　will　now　deny　that　rebellion　may　be　both　reasonable　and　justifiable；　or　that　every　subject　in　the　land　may　be　bound　in　duty　to　rebel。　　In　such　case　the　government　will　be　held　to　have　brought　about　its　own　punishment　by　its　own　fault。　　But　as　government　is　a　wide　affair；　spreading　itself　gradually；　and　growing　in　virtue　or　in　vice　from　small　beginningsfrom　seeds　slow　to　produce　their　fruitsit　is　much　easier　to　discern　the　incidence　of　the　punishment　than　the　perpetration　of　the　fault。　　Government　goes　astray　by　degrees；　or　sins　by　the　absence　of　that　wisdom　which　should　teach　rulers　how　to　make　progress　as　progress　is　made　by　those　whom　they　rule。　　The　fault　may　be　absolutely　negative　and　have　spread　itself　over　centuries；　may　be；　and　generally　has　been；　attributable　to　dull；　good　men；　but　not　the　less　does　the　punishment　come　at　a　blow。　　The　rebellion　exists　and　cannot　be　put　downwill　put　down　all　that　opposes　it；　but　the　government　is　not　the　less　bound　to　make　its　fight。　　That　is　the　punishment　that　comes　on　governing　men　or　on　governing　a　people　that　govern　not　well　or　not　wisely。　As　Mr。　Motley　says　in　the　paper　to　which　I　have　alluded；　〃No　man；　on　either　side　of　the　Atlantic；　with　Anglo…Saxon　blood　in　his　veins；　will　dispute　the　right　of　a　people；　or　of　any　portion　of　a　people；　to　rise　against　oppression；　to　demand　redress　of　grievances；　and　in　case　of　denial　of　justice　to　take　up　arms　to　vindicate　the　sacred　principle　of　liberty。　　Few　Englishmen　or　Americans　will　deny　that　the　source　of　government　is　the　consent　of　the　governed；　or　that　every　nation　has　the　right　to　govern　itself　according　to　its　will。　When　the　silent　consent　is　changed　to　fierce　remonstrance；　revolution　is　impending。　　The　right　of　revolution　is　indisputable。　It　is　written　on　the　whole　record　of　our　race；　British　and　American　history　is　made　up　of　rebellion　and　revolution。　　Hampden；　Pym；　and　Oliver　Cromwell；　Washington；　Adams；　and　Jefferson；　all　were　rebels。〃　Then　comes　the　question　whether　South　Carolina　and　the　Gulf　States　had　so　suffered　as　to　make　rebellion　on　their　behalf　justifiable　or　reasonable；　or　if　not；　what　cause　had　been　strong　enough　to　produce　in　them　so　strong　a　desire　for　secession；　a　desire　which　has　existed　for　fully　half　the　term　through　which　the　United　States　has　existed　as　a　nation；　and　so　firm　a　resolve　to　rush　into　rebellion　with　the　object　of　accomplishing　that　which　they　deemed　not　to　be　accomplished　on　other　terms？　It　must；　I　think；　be　conceded　that　the　Gulf　States　have　not　suffered　at　all　by　their　connection　with　the　Northern　States；　that　in　lieu　of　any　such　suffering；　they　owe　all　their　national　greatness　to　the　Northern　States；　that　they　have　been　lifted　up；　by　the　commercial　energy　of　the　Atlantic　States　and　by　the　agricultural　prosperity　of　the　Western　States；　to　a　degree　of　national　consideration　and　respect　through　the　world　at　large　which　never　could　have　belonged　to　them　standing　alone。　　I　will　not　trouble　my　readers　with　statistics　which　few　would　care　to　follow；　but　let　any　man　of　ordinary　every…day　knowledge　turn　over　in　his　own　mind　his　present　existing　ideas　of　the　wealth　and　commerce　of　New　York；　Boston；　Philadelphia；　Chicago；　Pittsburg；　and　Cincinnati；　and　compare　them　with　his　ideas　as　to　New　Orleans；　Charleston；　Savannah；　Mobile；　Richmond；　and　Memphis。　　I　do　not　name　such　towns　as　Baltimore　and　St。　Louis；　which　stand　in　slave　States；　but　which　have　raised　themselves　to　prosperity　by　Northern　habits。　　If　this　be　not　sufficient；　let　him　refer　to　population　tables　and　tables　of　shipping　and　tonnage。　　And　of　those　Southern　towns　which　I　have　named　the　commercial　wealth　is　of　Northern　creation。　　The　success　of　New　Orleans　as　a　city　can　be　no　more　attributed　to　Louisianians　than　can　that　of　the　Havana　to　the　men　of　Cuba；　or　of　Calcutta　to　the　natives　of　India。　　It　has　been　a　repetition　of　the　old　story；　told　over　and　over　again　through　every　century　since　commerce　has　flourished　in　the　world；　the　tropics　can　produce；　but　the　men　from　the　North　shall　sow　and　reap；　and　garner　and　enjoy。　　As　the　Creator's　work　has　progressed；　this　privilege　has　extended　itself　to　regions　farther　removed　and　still　farther　from　southern　influences。　If　we　look　to　Europe；　we　see　that　this　has　been　so　in　Greece；　Italy；　Spain；　France；　and　the　Netherlands；　in　England　and　Scotland；　in　Prussia　and　in　Russia；　and　the　Western　World　shows　us　the　same　story。　　Where　is　now　the　glory　of　the　Antilles？　where　the　riches　of　Mexico　and　the　power　of　Peru？　　They　still　produce　sugar；　guano；　gold；　cotton；　coffeealmost　whatever　we　may　ask　themand　will　continue　to　do　so　while　held　to　labor　under　sufficient　restraint；　but　where　are　their　men；　where　are　their　books；　where　is　their　learning；　their　art；　their　enterprise？　　I　say　it　with　sad　regret　at　the　decadence　of　so　vast　a　population；　but　I　do　say　that　the　Southern　States　of　America　have　not　been　ab