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　their　country　when　pretending　to　serve　it；　who　have　taken　its　wages　in　the　days　of　its　great　struggle；　and　at　the　same　time　have　filched　from　its　coffers；　who　have　undertaken　the　task　of　steering　the　ship　through　the　storm　in　order　that　their　hands　might　be　deep　in　the　meal…tub　and　the　bread…basket；　and　that　they　might　stuff　their　own　sacks　with　the　ship's　provisions。　　These　are　the　men　who　must　be　loathed　by　the　nationwhose　fate　must　be　held　up　as　a　warning　to　others　before　good　can　come！　　Northern　men　and　women　talk　of　hanging　Davis　and　his　accomplices。　　I　myself　trust　that　there　will　be　no　hanging　when　the　war　is　over。　　I　believe　there　will　be　none；　for　the　Americans　are　not　a　blood…thirsty　people。　　But　if　punishment　of　any　kind　be　meted　out；　the　men　of　the　North　should　understand　that　they　have　worse　offenders　among　them　than　Davis　and　Floyd。　At　the　period　of　which　I　am　now　speaking；　there　had　come　a　change　over　the　spirit　of　Mr。　Lincoln's　cabinet。　　Mr。　Seward　was　still　his　Secretary　of　State；　but　he　was；　as　far　as　outside　observers　could　judge；　no　longer　his　Prime　Minister。　　In　the　early　days　of　the　war；　and　up　to　the　departure　of　Mr。　Cameron　from　out　of　the　cabinet；　Mr。　Seward　had　been　the　Minister　of　the　nation。　　In　his　dispatches　he　talks　ever　of　We　or　of　I。　　In　every　word　of　his　official　writings；　of　which　a　large　volume　has　been　published；　he　shows　plainly　that　he　intends　to　be　considered　as　the　man　of　the　dayas　the　hero　who　is　to　bring　the　States　through　their　difficulties。　　Mr。　Lincoln　may　be　king；　but　Mr。　Seward　is　mayor　of　the　palace；　and　carries　the　king　in　his　pocket。　　From　the　depth　of　his　own　wisdom　he　undertakes　to　teach　his　ministers　in　all　parts　of　the　world；　not　only　their　duties；　but　their　proper　aspiration。　　He　is　equally　kind　to　foreign　statesmen；　and　sends　to　them　messages　as　though　from　an　altitude　which　no　European　politician　had　ever　reached。　　At　home　he　has　affected　the　Prime　Minister　in　everything；　dropping　the　We　and　using　the　I　in　a　manner　that　has　hardly　made　up　by　its　audacity　for　its　deficiency　in　discretion。　　It　is　of　course　known　everywhere　that　he　had　run　Mr。　Lincoln　very　hard　for　the　position　of　Republican　candidate　for　the　Presidency。　　Mr。　Lincoln　beat　him；　and　Mr。　Seward　is　well　aware　that　in　the　states　a　man　has　never　a　second　chance　for　the　presidential　chair。　　Hence　has　arisen　his　ambition　to　make　for　himself　a　new　place　in　the　annals　of　American　politics。　　Hitherto　there　has　been　no　Prime　Minister　known　in　the　government　of　the　United　States。　　Mr。　Seward　has　attempted　a　revolution　in　that　matter；　and　has　essayed　to　fill　the　situation。　　For　awhile　it　almost　seemed　that　he　was　successful。　　He　interfered　with　the　army；　and　his　interferences　were　endured。　　He　took　upon　himself　the　business　of　the　police；　and　arrested　men　at　his　own　will　and　pleasure。　　The　habeas　corpus　was　in　his　hand；　and　his　name　was　current　through　the　States　as　a　covering　authority　for　every　outrage　on　the　old　laws。　　Sufficient　craft；　or　perhaps　cleverness；　he　possessed　to　organize　a　position　which　should　give　him　a　power　greater　than　the　power　of　the　President；　but　he　had　not　the　genius　which　would　enable　him　to　hold　it。　　He　made　foolish　prophecies　about　the　war；　and　talked　of　the　triumphs　which　he　would　win。　　He　wrote　state…papers　on　matters　which　he　did　not　understand；　and　gave　himself　the　airs　of　diplomatic　learning　while　he　showed　himself　to　be　sadly　ignorant　of　the　very　rudiments　of　diplomacy。　　He　tried　to　joke　as　Lord　Palmerston　jokes；　and　nobody　liked　his　joking。　He　was　greedy　after　the　little　appanages　of　power；　taking　from　others　who　loved　them　as　well　as　he　did　privileges　with　which　he　might　have　dispensed。　　And　then；　lastly；　he　was　successful　in　nothing。　　He　had　given　himself　out　as　the　commander　of　the　commander…in…chief；　but　then　under　his　command　nothing　got　itself　done。　　For　a　month　or　two　some　men　had　really　believed　in　Mr。　Seward。　　The　policemen　of　the　country　had　come　to　have　an　absolute　trust　in　him；　and　the　underlings　of　the　public　offices　were　beginning　to　think　that　he　might　be　a　great　man。　　But　then；　as　is　ever　the　case　with　such　men；　there　came　suddenly　a　downfall。　　Mr。　Cameron　went　from　the　cabinet；　and　everybody　knew　that　Mr。　Seward　would　be　no　longer　commander　of　the　commander…in…chief。　　His　prime　ministership　was　gone　from　him；　and　he　sank　down　into　the　comparatively　humble　position　of　Minister　for　Foreign　Affairs。　　His　lettres　de　cachet　no　longer　ran。　　His　passport　system　was　repealed。　His　prisoners　were　released。　　And　though　it　is　too　much　to　say　that　writs　of　habeas　corpus　were　no　longer　suspended；　the　effect　and　very　meaning　of　the　suspension　were　at　once　altered。　　When　I　first　left　Washington；　Mr。　Seward　was　the　only　minister　of　the　cabinet　whose　name　was　ever　mentioned　with　reference　to　any　great　political　measure。　　When　I　returned　to　Washington；　Mr。　Stanton　was　Mr。　Lincoln's　leading　minister；　and；　as　Secretary　of　War；　had　practically　the　management　of　the　army　and　of　the　internal　police。　I　have　spoken　here　of　Mr。　Seward　by　name；　and　in　my　preceding　paragraphs　I　have　alluded　with　some　asperity　to　the　dishonesty　of　certain　men　who　had　obtained　political　power　under　Mr。　Lincoln；　and　used　it　for　their　own　dishonest　purposes。　　I　trust　that　I　may　not　be　understood　as　bringing　any　such　charges　against　Mr。　Seward。　　That　such　dishonesty　has　been　frightfully　prevalent　all　men　know　who　knew　anything　of　Washington　during　the　year　1861。　　In　a　former　chapter　I　have　alluded　to　this　more　at　length；　stating　circumstances；　and　in　some　cases　giving　the　names　of　the　persons　charged　with　offenses。　Whenever　I　have　done　so；　I　have　based　my　statements　on　the　Van　Wyck　report；　and　the　evidence　therein　given。　　This　is　the　published　report　of　a　committee　appointed　by　the　house　of　Representatives；　and　as　it　has　been　before　the　world　for　some　months　without　refutation；　I　think　that　I　have　a　right　to　presume　it　to　be　true。*　　On　no　less　authority　than　this　would　I　consider　myself　justified　in　bringing　any　such　charge。　　Of　Mr。　Seward's　incompetency　I　have　heard　very　much　among　American　politicians；　much　also　of　his　ambition。　　With　worse　offenses　than　these　I　have　not　heard　him　charged。

*　I　ought　perhaps　to　state　that　General　Fremont　has　published　an　answer　to　the　charges　preferred　against　him。　　That　answer　refers　chiefly　to　matters　of　military　capacity　or　incapacity；　as　to　which　I　have　expressed　no　opinion。　　General　Fremont　does　allude　to　the　accusations　made　against　him　regarding　the　building　of　the　forts；　but　in　doing　so　he　seem　to　me　rather　to　admit　than　to　deny　the　acts　as　stated　by　the　committee。

At　the　period　of　which　I　am　writing；　February；　1862；　the　long　list　of　military　successes　which　attended　the　Northern　army　through　the　late　winter　and　early　spring　had　commenced。　　Fort　henry；　on　the　Tennessee　River；　had　first　been　taken；　and　after　that；　Fort　Donelson；　on　the　Cumberland　River；　also　in　the　State；　Tennessee。　Price　had　been　driven　out　of　Missouri　into　Arkansas　by　General　Curtis；　acting　under　General　Halleck's　orders。　　The　chief　body　of　the　Confederate　army　in　the　West　had　abandoned　the　fortified　position　which　they　had　long　held　at　Bowling　Green；　in　the　southwestern　district　of　Kentucky。　　Roanoke　Island；　on　the　coast　of　North　Carolina；　had　been　taken　by　General　Burnside's　expedition；　and　a　belief　had　begun　to　manifest　itself　in　Washington　that　the　army　of　the　Potomac　was　really　about　to　advance。　　It　is　impossible　to　explain　in　what　way　the　renewed　confidence　of　the　Northern　party　showed　itself；　or　how　one　learned　that　the　hopes　of　the　secessionists　were　waxing　dim；　but　it　was　so；　and　even　a　stranger　became　aware　of　the　general　feeling　as　clearly　as　though　it　were　a　defined　and　established　fact。　　In　the　early　part　of　the　winter；　when　I　reached　Washington；　the　feeling　ran　all　the　other　way。　　Northern　men　did　not　say　that　they　were　despondent；　they　did　not　with　spoken　words　express　diffidence　as　to　their　success；　but　their　looks　betrayed　diffidence；　and　the　moderation　of　their　self…assurance　almost　amounted　to　despondency。　　In　the　capital　the　parties　were　very　much　divided。　　The　old　inhabitants　were　either　secessionists　or　influenced　by　〃secession　proclivities；〃　as　the　word　went；　but　the　men　of　the　government　and　of　the　two　Houses　of　Congress　were；　with　a　few　exceptions；　of　course　Northern。　　It　should　be　understood　that　these　parties　were　at　variance　with　each　other　on　almost　every　point　as　to　which　men　can　disagree。　　In　our　civil　war　it　may　be　presumed　that　all　Englishmen　were　at　any　rate　anxious　for　England。　　They　desired　and　fought　for　different　modes　of　government；　but　each　party　was　equally　English　in　its　ambition。　　In　the　States　there　is　the　hatred　of　a　different　nationality　added　to　the　rancor　of　different　politics。　　The　Southerners　desire　to　be　a　people　of　themselvesto　divide　themselves　by　every　possible　mark　of　division　from　New　England；　to　be　as　little　akin　to　New　York　as　they　are　to　London；　or；　if　possible；　less　so。　　Their　habits；　they　say；　are　different；　their　education；　their　beliefs；　their　propensities；　their　very　virtues　and　vices　are　not　the　education；　or　the　beliefs；　or　the　propensities；　or　the　virtues　and　vices　of　the　North。　　The　bond　that　ties　them　to　the　North　is　to　them　a　Mezentian　marriage