the life of stephen a. douglas-第20部分

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ough　long　hours　of　debate　the　crowd　waited。　　The　Senate　adjourned　until　seven　o'clock；　at　which　time　Douglas　was　to　speak。　　The　visitors　who　were　lucky　enough　to　have　gained　admission　waited　with　patient　good　humor　for　the　return　of　the　Senators；　who　at　last　began　to　force　their　way　back　into　the　Chamber　through　the　dense　throngs。

A　little　before　seven　the　short　figure　of　Douglas　was　observed　at　the　door　and　he　was　greeted　with　loud　applause　from　the　galleries。　The　session　resumed　and　he　rose　to　speak。　　Cheered　as　he　was　by　the　sympathy　and　admiration　of　the　visitors；　it　was　to　him　a　stern　enough　hour　when　he　must　finally　break　with　his　powerful　party　and　battle　with　his　utmost　strength　against　its　cherished　program。　　He　must　attack；　not　Buchanan；　but　the　organized　Democracy；　now　more　powerfully　entrenched　than　ever　before。　　It　controlled　the　President　and　the　Supreme　Court　and　had　bent　them　to　its　will　in　this　precise　quarrel。　　The　Senate　was　Democratic　nearly　two　to　one；　and　but　two　of　the　majority　followed　him　in　his　revolt。　　In　the　House　the　Democrats　had　a　majority　of　twenty…five。

Foreseeing　the　personal　consequences　of　his　act；　he　opened　his　speech　with　an　elaborate　review　of　his　course　in　Congress　in　relation　to　slavery　in　the　Territories；　showing　that　from　the　beginning　he　had　favored　leaving　the　whole　question　fairly　to　the　inhabitants。　　He　stood　on　the　principle　of　the　Compromise　of　1850　as　approved　and　interpreted　by　the　legislature　of　Illinois　in　1851。　　That　body　had　declared　that　the　people　of　a　Territory　had　a　right　to　form　such　government　as　they　chose。　　But　was　the　Lecompton　Constitution　the　act　and　deed　of　the　people　of　Kansas？　　Did　it　embody　their　will？　If　not；　Congress　had　no　right　to　impose　it　on　them。　　Where　was　the　evidence　that　it　did　embody　their　will？　　By　a　fraudulent　vote　on　December　12th　it　was　adopted　by　5；500　majority。　　By　a　fair　vote　on　January　4th　it　was　defeated　by　10；000　majority。　　The　election　on　December　21st　was　ordered　by　the　Lecompton　Convention；　deriving　its　authority　from　the　territorial　legislature。　　The　legislature　itself　ordered　the　election　on　January　4th。　　Granting　the　argument　that　the　organic　act　was　in　effect　an　enabling　act；　then　the　territorial　legislature　had　power　to　authorize　the　Lecompton　Convention　and　also　to　order　it　work　submitted　to　a　vote。　　The　legislature　either　had　the　full　power　of　Congress　over　the　subject　or　it　had　none。

But；　it　was　claimed；　the　Constitution　would　have　been　voted　down　if　submitted。　　What　right　had　Congress　to　force　it　upon　the　people？　It　was　a　mockery　to　call　it　an　embodiment　of　their　will　and　a　crime　to　attempt　to　enforce　it。　　If　it　ever　became　the　Constitution　of　Kansas　it　would　be　the　act　of　Congress　that　made　it　so　and　not　the　decision　of　the　people。　　That　it　could　be　changed　thereafter　was　no　apology　for　this　outrage。　　It　was　as　much　a　violation　of　fundamental　principle；　a　violation　of　popular　sovereignty；　to　force　a　Constitution　on　an　unwilling　people　for　a　day　as　for　a　year　or　for　a　longer　time。

If　a　few　thousand　Free　Soilers　had　fabricated　a　Constitution　in　this　fashion；　prohibiting　slavery　forever；　would　the　gentlemen　from　the　South　have　submitted　to　the　outrage？　　They　were　asked　to　admit　Kansas　with　a　State　government　brought　into　existence　not　only　by　fraudulent　voting　but　forged　returns　sustained　by　perjury。

He　paused　to　comment　on　certain　diatribes　in　the　Washington　Union　which　had　denounced　him　as　a　renegade；　traitor　and　deserter；　and　read　from　its　columns　an　article　presenting　the　extreme　claims　of　the　South；　arguing　that　all　laws　and　Constitutions　of　the　free　States　forbidding　slavery　were　violations　of　the　Federal　Constitution；　and　that　the　emancipation　of　slaves　in　the　Northern　States　was　a　gross　outrage　on　the　rights　of　property。　　But　this　article；　he　said；　was　in　harmony　with　the　Lecompton　Constitution；　which　declared　the　right　of　property　in　a　slave　to　be　higher　than　Constitutions。　This　meant　that　the　Constitutions　of　the　free　States　forbidding　slavery　were　in　conflict　with　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States　and　of　no　validity。　　Hence　slavery　had　right　to　exist　in　all　the　States。　　But　this　was　not　the　authentic　Democratic　faith；　which　left　the　whole　question　to　the　option　of　the　several　States。　　If　each　one　took　care　of　its　own　affairs；　minded　its　own　business　and　let　its　neighbors　alone；　there　would　be　peace　in　the　country。　Seward　had　proclaimed　a　higher　law　which　forbade　slavery　everywhere。　this　instrument　and　the　Administration　paper　proclaimed　a　higher　law　which　established　it　in　all　the　States。　　It　was　time　to　quit　this　folly　and　yield　obedience　to　the　Constitution　and　laws　of　the　land。

It　was　the　most　arrant　presumption　for　the　Administration　to　attempt　to　make　this　a　party　measure。　　By　what　right　did　these　accidental　and　temporary　holders　of　office　prescribe　party　politics？　　There　had　been　no　Convention；　not　even　a　caucus；　since　this　question　arose。　The　party　was　not　committed。　　The　President　had　no　right　to　tell　a　Senator　his　duty　and　command　his　allegiance。　　He　had　no　power　to　prescribe　tests。　　A　Senator's　first　duty　was　to　his　State。　　〃If　the　will　of　my　State　is　one　way　and　the　will　of　the　President　is　the　other；　am　I　to　be　told　that　I　must　obey　the　Executive　and　betray　my　State；　or　else　be　branded　as　a　traitor　to　the　party　and　hunted　down　by　all　the　newspapers　that　share　the　patronage　of　the　Government？　And　every　man　who　holds　a　petty　office　in　any　part　of　my　State　to　have　the　question　put　to　him；　'Are　you　Douglas'　enemy？　　If　not；　your　head　comes　off。'〃

What　despotism　on　earth　could　equal　this？　　The　obedience　of　Senators　was　demanded　on　this　question　only。　　On　all　else　they　were　free。　The　President　was　evidently　guided　by　the　old　adage　that　a　man　needs　no　friends　when　he　knows　he　is　right　and　only　want　his　friends　to　stand　by　him　when　he　is　wrong。

The　President　regretted　that　the　Constitution　was　not　submitted　to　the　people；　although　he　knew　that　if　it　had　been　submitted　it　would　have　been　rejected。　　Hence；　he　regretted　that　it　had　not　been　rejected。　　Would　he　regret　that　it　had　not　been　submitted　and　rejected　if　he　did　not　think　it　was　wrong？　　And　yet；　he　demanded　their　assistance　in　forcing　it　on　an　unwilling　people　and　threatened　vengeance　on　all　who　refused。

〃For　my　part；〃　he　continued；　*　*　*　〃come　what　may；　I　intend　to　vote；　speak　and　act　according　to　my　own　sense　of　duty；　so　long　as　I　hold　a　seat　in　this　Chamber。　　*　*　*　I　have　no　professions　to　make　of　my　fidelity。　　I　have　no　vindication　to　make　of　my　course。　　Let　it　speak　for　itself。　　*　*　*　I　intend　to　perform　my　duty　in　accordance　with　my　own　convictions。　　Neither　the　frowns　of　power　nor　the　influence　of　patronage　will　change　my　action；　nor　drive　me　from　my　principles。　　I　stand　firmly　and　immovably　upon　those　great　principles　of　self…government　and　State　sovereignty　upon　which　the　campaign　was　fought　and　won。　　I　stand　by　the　time　honored　principles　of　the　Democratic　party；　illustrated　by　Jefferson　and　Jackson；　those　principles　of　State　rights；　of　State　sovereignty；　of　strict　construction；　upon　which　the　great　Democratic　party　has　ever　stood。　　I　will　stand　by　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States　with　all　its　compromises　and　perform　all　my　obligations　under　it。　　I　will　stand　by　the　American　Union　as　it　exists　under　the　Constitution。　　If　standing　firmly　by　my　principles　I　shall　be　driven　into　private　life；　it　is　a　fate　that　has　no　terrors　for　me。　　*　*　*　If　the　alternative　be　private　life　or　servile　obedience　to　the　Executive　will；　I　am　prepared　to　retire。　　Official　position　has　no　charm　for　me　when　deprived　of　that　freedom　of　thought　and　action　which　becomes　a　gentleman　and　a　Senator。〃

When　he　closed；　Toombs　rose　to　reply。　　The　speech　was　offensively　bitter　and　personal；　in　one　memorable　passage　of　which　he　announced　that　the　slave　States　would　take　care　of　themselves　and　were　prepared　to　bid　defiance　to　the　North　and　to　the　world。　　Green　of　Missouri　answered　in　coarser　strain；　both　intimating　that　Douglas　had　been　guilty　of　deliberate　perfidy　in　his　change　of　front。

On　the　23rd　the　vote　was　taken　and　the　bill　passed；　33　being　for　it　and　25　against　it。

The　Administration　now　declared　war　on　him。　　The　patronage　was　unsparingly　used　against　his　friends　and　it　was　better　for　an　applicant　for　Federal　appointment　to　be　accused　of　any　crime　than　suspected　of　friendship　with　Douglas。　　This　separation　from　his　party　touched　his　feelings　more　deeply　than　any　other　event　of　his　life；　and　we　find　surprising　evidence　of　his　being　shaken　by　deep　emotions　that　seem　out　of　harmony　with　his　robust　and　unsentimental　nature。　　But　when　we　remember　that　all　his　life　had　been　spent　in　the　activities　of　politics；　that　his　thoughts；　sentiments　and　passions　had　all　been　political　for　twenty　years；　that　the　Democratic　platform　was　at　once　his　creed　and　his　philosophy；　we　can　understand　something　of　the　choking　emotion　that　threatened　to　overpower　him　as　he　announced　that　he　was　thenceforth　a　rebel　and　a　heretic。　After　December　9th；　the　Administration　press　attacked　him　bitterly　and　he　found　himself　everywhere　proclaimed　a　traitor　and　deserter。　He　told　the　Senate　that　he　knew　the　knife　would　be　put　to　the　throats　of　his　followers。　　The　Administration　Senator