the life of stephen a. douglas-第31部分

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ular　and　Douglas　was　resolutely　evasive。　　Lincoln　again　and　again　pressed　Douglas　to　say　whether　he　regarded　slavery　as　wrong。　　Douglas　persistently　declined　the　question　on　the　pleat　that　it　was　one　wholly　foreign　to　national　politics。　　Each　State　had　a　right　to　decide　for　itself；　and　that　right　had　been　delegated　to　the　Territories　by　the　Compromise　act　of　1850　and　again　by　the　Kansas…Nebraska　act　of　1854。

〃I　look　forward；〃　he　said；　〃to　a　time　when　each　State　shall　be　allowed　to　do　as　it　pleases。　　If　it　chooses　to　keep　slavery　forever；　it　is　not　my　business；　but　its　own；　if　it　chooses　to　abolish　slavery；　it　is　its　own　business；　not　mine。　　I　care　more　for　the　great　principle　of　self…government；　the　right　of　the　people　to　rule；　then　I　do　for　all　the　negroes　in　Christendom。　　I　would　not　endanger　the　perpetuity　of　this　Union；　I　would　not　blot　out　the　great　inalienable　rights　of　the　white　man；　for　all　the　negroes　that　ever　existed。〃

Lincoln　persistently　pressed　his　argument：　　〃When　Douglas　says　he　don't　care　whether　slaver　is　voted　up　or　voted　down；　he　can　thus　argue　logically　if　he　don't　see　anything　wrong　in　it；　but　he　cannot　say　so　logically　if　he　admits　that　slavery　is　wrong。　　He　cannot　say　that　the　would　as　soon　see　a　wrong　voted　up　as　voted　down。　　When　he　says　that　slave　property　and　horse　and　hog　property　are　alike　to　be　allowed　to　go　into　the　Territories　upon　the　principle　of　equality；　he　is　reasoning　truly　if　there　is　no　difference　between　them　and　property；　but　if　the　one　is　property　held　rightfully　and　the　other　is　wrong；　then　there　is　no　equality　between　the　right　and　the　wrong。　　*　*　*　That　is　the　real　issue。　　That　is　the　issue　that　will　continue　in　this　country　when　these　poor　tongues　of　Judge　Douglas　and　myself　shall　be　silent。　　It　is　the　eternal　struggle　between　these　two　principles　that　have　stood　face　to　face　from　the　beginning　of　time　and　will　ever　continue　to　struggle。　　The　one　is　the　common　right　of　humanity　and　the　other　the　divine　right　of　kings。　　It　is　the　same　principle　in　whatever　shape　it　develops。　　It　is　the　same　spirit　that　says；　'you　work　and　toil　and　earn　bread；　and　I'll　eat　it。'　　No　matter　in　what　shape　it　comes；　whether　from　the　mouth　of　a　king　who　seeks　to　bestride　the　people　of　his　own　nation　and　live　by　the　fruit　of　their　labor　or　from　one　race　of　men　as　an　apology　for　enslaving　another　race；　it　is　the　same　tyrannical　principle。〃

In　the　Quincy　debate；　and　again　in　the　last　debate　at　Alton；　Douglas；　with　great　skill；　took　up　the　attack　made　upon　him　by　the　Buchanan　Administration　because　of　his　alleged　heresies　on　the　Kansas　question。　　The　Washington　Union　in　an　editorial　had　condemned　his　Freeport　declaration　that　the　people　could　by　their　unfriendly　attitude　exclude　slavery　from　a　Territory。　　It　argued　that　his　plan　was　to　exclude　it　by　means　of　his　device　of　popular　sovereignty　and　declared　that　he　was　not　a　sound　Democrat　and　had　not　been　since　1850。　　He　quoted　from　Buchanan's　letter　accepting　the　nomination；　in　which　he　warmly　applauded　those　〃principles　as　ancient　as　free　government　itself　*　*　*　in　accordance　with　which　*　*　*　*　the　people　of　a　Territory；　like　those　of　a　State；　shall　decide　for　themselves　whether　slavery　shall　or　shall　not　exist　within　their　limits。〃

He　also　quoted　in　vindication　of　the　soundness　of　his　Democracy　a　speech　of　Jefferson　Davis　declaring　that；　if　the　inhabitants　of　a　Territory　should　refuse　to　enact　laws　to　protect　and　encourage　slavery；　the　insecurity　would　be　so　great　that　the　owner　could　not　hold　his　slaves。

〃Therefore；〃　said　Davis；　〃though　the　right　would　remain；　the　remedy　being　withheld；　it　would　follow　that　the　owner　would　be　practically　debarred　from　taking　slave　property　into　a　Territory　when　the　sense　of　its　inhabitants　was　opposed　to　its　introduction。〃

These　latter　arguments　were　addressed　to　the　Administration　Democrats；　who；　however；　proved　a　quite　unimportant　factor　in　the　campaign。　　They　were　an　utter　negation　politically。　　Were　it　an　academic　problem；　much　could　be　said　in　their　defense。　　In　a　time　of　stormy　passion；　they　were　passionless。　　In　a　time　of　fanatical　convictions　and　intolerant　opinions；　they　were　coldly　neutral；　appealing　with　impotent　pride　to　the　traditions　and　precedents　of　the　past。

The　election　was　held　on　the　2nd　of　November。　　The　Republicans　elected　their　State　ticket　by　a　popularity　of　nearly　4；000；　but　lost　the　legislature。　　When　that　body　met　Douglas　was　again　chose　Senator。





Chapter　XVI。　　The　South　Rejects　Popular　Sovereignty。




Although　victorious　in　the　greatest　battle　of　his　life　the　position　of　Douglas　was　not　easy。　　The　people　of　Illinois　were　evidently　no　longer　in　sympathy　with　him。　　The　Buchanan　Administration　and　the　Southern　extremists　had　openly　declared　war　on　him　for　his　cool　indifference　to　the　special　interests　of　the　South；　his　carelessness　whether　slavery　was　voted　up　or　voted　down　in　the　Territories；　and　his　hostility　to　their　plans　for　planting　it　in　Kansas。　　He　was　preparing　for　his　last　struggle　for　the　Presidency。　　Having　won　this　doubtful　victory　at　home；　he　decided　to　make　a　tour　of　the　South　in　the　hope　of　stimulating　its　waning　enthusiasm。　　In　order　to　hold　the　Senatorship　it　had　been　necessary　to　please　Illinois；　even　though　the　South　were　alienated。　　In　order　to　win　the　Presidency　he　now　resolved　to　satisfy　the　South；　even　though　he　offended　Illinois。　　Moreover；　being　at　war　with　the　Administration；　he　hoped　to　return　to　Washington　with　the　prestige　of　a　re…election　and　a　great　Southern　ovation。　　He　intended　to　force　Buchanan　and　his　Cabinet　to　sue　for　peace。　　He　was　political　strategist　enough　to　understand　the　importance　of　a　bold　front　and　an　imposing　display　of　power　at　the　outset　of　his　next　campaign。

He　took　boat　at　St。　Louis　for　New　Orleans　and　enjoyed　the　leisurely　autumn　trip　down　the　River。　　He　spoke　at　Memphis　on　November　29th；　and　at　New　Orleans　on　December　6th。　　He　sailed　to　Havana　and　thence　to　New　York；　where　he　received　a　royal　welcome。　　On　reaching　Philadelphia　he　was　formally　welcomed　at　Independence　Hall。　　He　then　went　to　Baltimore　and　spoke　in　Monument　Square　on　the　evening　of　January　5th；　returning　to　Washington　next　day。　　On　the　10th　he　resumed　his　seat　in　the　Senate。

He　had　told　the　people　of　Illinois　that；　in　spite　of　the　Constitution；　the　Supreme　Court；　the　President　and　Congress；　it　was　within　the　power　of　the　inhabitants　of　a　Territory　to　prohibit　slavery　by　their　unfriendly　attitude。　　This　doctrine　was　utterly　abhorrent　to　the　South；　which　now　rested　its　entire　case　on　the　judicial　interpretation　of　the　Constitution　and　regarded　all　attempts　to　evade　the　full　force　of　the　Dred　Scott　decision　as　little　less　than　treason。　　The　net　result　of　the　struggles　of　a　decade　had　been　the　establishment　of　a　principle　that　the　Constitution　carried　slavery　with　it　wherever　it　went。　　To　lightly　treat　the　Constitution　as　a　thing　that　could　be　quietly　defied　and　annulled　by　the　squatters；　was　to　strip　their　great　victory　of　all　value　and　snatch　from　them　the　fruit　of　their　labors。　　Had　this　doctrine　of　local　nullification　been　sound；　it　was　not　to　be　expected　that　it　would　be　received　with　enthusiasm　or　even　with　patience　by　men　whose　dearest　hopes　it　must　obviously　defeat　and　whose　subtle　art　and　long　protracted　labors　it　utterly　thwarted。　　But　that　daring　sophism　which　attacked　the　very　foundation　of　all　legal　authority；　did　violence　to　every　sound　principle　of　philosophy；　and　was　utterly　subversive　of　the　peculiar　and　cherished　doctrines　of　the　South；　should　have　been　resorted　to　by　Douglas　to　avoid　defeat　in　Illinois；　was　viewed　as　a　shameless　outrage。　　It　was　believed　that　he　had　sacrificed　their　sacred　cause　in　order　to　avoid　a　local　reverse；　that　his　seat　in　the　Senate　was　dearer　to　him　than　their　most　valued　interests。

It　was　probable　that　in　his　eagerness　to　win　the　Illinois　campaign　he　had　not　considered　seriously　the　irreconcilable　repugnance　of　his　distinctive　dogma　to　the　compact　body　of　Southern　political　philosophy。　　It　was　now　necessary　to　present　it　to　the　South　in　such　dress　that　it　might；　if　possible；　gain　acceptance；　at　least　that　it　might　not　shock　the　deepest　prejudices　of　that　section。

In　addressing　his　Southern　audiences　he　attempted　to　take　the　sting　out　of　his　obnoxious　doctrine　by　showing　that　it　was　entirely　harmless。　　The　people　of　the　Territories；　he　said；　doubtless　had　the　practical　power；　in　spite　of　the　Constitution；　statutes　and　decisions；　to　exclude　slavery　by　their　unfriendly　attitude　toward　it。　　But　what　would　determine　their　attitude？　　Clearly　their　selfish　interests。　　If　slavery　would　be　profitable；　their　attitude　would　be　friendly　and　it　would　take　root　and　flourish　under　the　protection　of　the　law。　　If　by　reason　of　soil　or　climate　it　would　be　unprofitable；　their　attitude　would　be　unfriendly　and　neither　laws　nor　Constitutions　could　successfully　foster　it。　　But　it　could　not　injure　the　South　to　exclude　slavery　from　regions　where　it　could　only　be　maintained　at　a　loss。　　It　was　not　a　question　of　ethics；　but　purely　of　physical　geography。　　Where　soil　and　climate　rendered　it　profitable；　it　would　spring　up　in　precisely　the　same　way　as　pine　trees　or　maize。

But　it　was　clear　to　his　keen　eye　that　these　feats　of　ingenui