the writings-6-第27部分

快捷操作: 按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页 按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页 按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部! 如果本书没有阅读完，想下次继续接着阅读，可使用上方 "收藏到我的浏览器" 功能 和 "加入书签" 功能！


do　so。



Very　truly　your　friend；



A。　LINCOLN。









TELEGRAM　TO　GENERAL　A。　E。　BURNSIDE。



EXECUTIVE　MANSION；　WASHINGTON；　November　25；　1862。



MAJOR…GENERAL　BURNSIDE；　Falmouth；　Virginia：



If　I　should　be　in　boat　off　Aquia　Creek　at　dark　tomorrow　（Wednesday）

evening；　could　you；　without　inconvenience；　meet　me　and　pass　an　hour

or　two　with　me？



A。　LINCOLN。









TO　ATTORNEY…GENERAL　BATES。

EXECUTIVE　MANSION；　WASHINGTON；

November　29；　1862。



HON。　ATTORNEY…GENERAL。



MY　DEAR　SIR：Few　things　perplex　me　more　than　this　question　between

Governor　Gamble　and　the　War　Department；　as　to　whether　the　peculiar

force　organized　by　the　former　in　Missouri　are　State　troops　or　United

States　troops。　　Now；　this　is　either　an　immaterial　or　a　mischievous

question。　　First；　if　no　more　is　desired　than　to　have　it　settled　what

name　the　force　is　to　be　called　by；　it　is　immaterial。　　Secondly；　if　it

is　desired　for　more　than　the　fixing　a　name；　it　can　only　be　to　get　a

position　from　which　to　draw　practical　inferences；　then　it　is

mischievous。　　Instead　of　settling　one　dispute　by　deciding　the

question；　I　should　merely　furnish　a　nest…full　of　eggs　for　hatching

new　disputes。　　I　believe　the　force　is　not　strictly　either　〃State

troops〃　or　〃United　States　troops。〃　It　is　of　mixed　character。　　I

therefore　think　it　is　safer；　when　a　　practical　question　arises；　to

decide　that　question　directly；　and　not　indirectly　by　deciding　a

general　abstraction　supposed　to　include　it；　and　also　including　a

great　deal　more。　　Without　dispute　Governor　Gamble　appoints　the

officers　of　this　force；　and　fills　vacancies　when　they　occur。　　The

question　now　practically　in　dispute　is：　Can　Governor　Gamble　make　a

vacancy　by　removing　an　officer　or　accepting　a　resignation？　　Now；

while　it　is　proper　that　this　question　shall　be　settled；　I　do　not

perceive　why　either　Governor　Gamble　or　the　government　here　should

care　which　way　it　is　settled。　　I　am　perplexed　with　it　only　because

there　seems　to　be　pertinacity　about　it。　　It　seems　to　me　that　it　might

be　either　way　without　injury　to　the　service；　or　that　the　offer　of　the

Secretary　of　War　to　let　Governor　Gamble　make　vacancies；　and　he　（the

Secretary）　to　ratify　the　making　of　them；　ought　to　be　satisfactory。



Yours　truly；

A。　LINCOLN









TELEGRAM　TO　GENERAL　CURTIS。

＇Cipher。＇

WASHINGTON；　November　30；　1862。



MAJOR…GENERAL　CURTIS；　Saint　Louis；　Missouri：



Frank　Blair　wants　Manter's　Thirty…second；　Curly's　Twenty　seventh；

Boyd's　Twenty…fourth　and　the　Ninth　and　Tenth　Cavalry　to　go　with　him

down　the　river。　　I　understand　it　is　with　you　to　decide　whether　he

shall　have　them　and　if　so；　and　if　also　it　is　consistent　with　the

public　service；　you　will　oblige　me　a　good　deal　by　letting　him　have

them。



A。　LINCOLN。









ON　EXECUTING　300　INDIANS



LETTER　TO　JUDGE…ADVOCATE…GENERAL。



EXECUTIVE　MANSION；　WASHINGTON；

December　1；　1862。



JUDGE…ADVOCATE…GENERAL。



SIR：Three　hundred　Indians　have　been　sentenced　to　death　in　Minnesota

by　a　military　commission；　and　execution　only　awaits　my　action。　　I

wish　your　legal　opinion　whether　if　I　should　conclude　to　execute　only

a　part　of　them；　I　must　myself　designate　which；　or　could　I　leave　the

designation　to　some　officer　on　the　ground？



Yours　very　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









ANNUAL　MESSAGE　TO　CONGRESS；

DECEMBER　1；　1862。



FELLOW…CITIZENS　OF　THE　SENATE　AND　HOUSE　OF　REPRESENTATIVES　Since

your　last　annual　assembling　another　year　of　health　and　bountiful

harvests　has　passed；　and　while　it　has　not　pleased　the　Almighty　to

bless　us　with　a　return　of　peace；　we　can　but　press　on；　guided　by　the

best　light　he　gives　us；　trusting　that　in　his　own　good　time　and　wise

way　all　will　yet　be　well。



The　correspondence　touching　foreign　affairs　which　has　taken　place

during　the　last　year　is　herewith　submitted；　in　virtual　compliance

with　a　request　to　that　effect；　made　by　the　House　of　Representatives

near　the　close　of　the　last　session　of　Congress。



If　the　condition　of　our　relations　with　other　nations　is　less

gratifying　than　it　has　usually　been　at　former　periods；　it　is

certainly　more　satisfactory　than　a　nation　so　unhappily　distracted　as

we　are　might　reasonably　have　apprehended。　　In　the　month　of　June　last

there　were　some　grounds　to　expect　that　the　maritime　powers　which；　at

the　beginning　of　our　domestic　difficulties；　so　unwisely　and

unnecessarily；　as　we　think；　recognized　the　insurgents　as　a

belligerent；　would　soon　recede　from　that　position；　which　has　proved

only　less　injurious　to　themselves　than　to　our　own　country。　　But　the

temporary　reverses　which　afterward　befell　the　national　arms；　and

which　were　exaggerated　by　our　own　disloyal　citizens　abroad；　have

hitherto　delayed　that　act　of　simple　justice。



The　civil　war；　which　has　so　radically　changed；　for　the　moment；　the

occupations　and　habits　of　the　American　people；　has　necessarily

disturbed　the　social　condition；　and　affected　very　deeply　the

prosperity；　of　the　nations　with　which　we　have　carried　on　a　commerce

that　has　been　steadily　increasing　throughout　a　period　of　half　a

century。　　It　has；　at　the　same　time；　excited　political　ambitions　and

apprehensions　which　have　produced　a　profound　agitation　throughout　the

civilized　world。　　In　this　unusual　agitation　we　have　forborne　from

taking　part　in　any　controversy　between　foreign　states；　and　between

parties　or　factions　in　such　states。　　We　have　attempted　no

propagandism　and　acknowledged　no　revolution；　but　we　have　left　to

every　nation　the　exclusive　conduct　and　management　of　its　own　affairs。

Our　struggle　has　been；　of　course；　contemplated　by　foreign　nations

with　reference　less　to　its　own　merits　than　to　its　supposed　and　often

exaggerated　effects　and　consequences　resulting　to　those　nations

themselves；　nevertheless；　complaint　on　the　part　of　this　government；

even　if　it　were　just；　would　certainly　be　unwise。



The　treaty　with　Great　Britain　for　the　suppression　of　the　slave　trade

has　been　put　into　operation　with　a　good　prospect　of　complete　success。

It　is　an　occasion　of　special　pleasure　to　acknowledge　that　the

execution　of　it　on　the　part　of　her　Majesty's　government　has　been

marked　with　a　jealous　respect　for　the　authority　of　the　United　States

and　the　rights　of　their　moral　and　loyal　citizens。



The　convention　with　Hanover　for　the　abolition　of　the　state　dues　has

been　carried　into　full　effect　under　the　act　of　Congress　for　that

purpose。



A　blockade　of　3000　miles　of　seacoast　could　not　be　established　and

vigorously　enforced　in　a　season　of　great　commercial　activity　like　the

present　without　committing　occasional　mistakes　and　inflicting

unintentional　injuries　upon　foreign　nations　and　their　subjects。



A　civil　war　occurring　in　a　country　where　foreigners　reside　and　carry

on　trade　under　treaty　stipulations　is　necessarily　fruitful　of

complaints　of　the　violation　of　neutral　rights。　　All　such　collisions

tend　to　excite　misapprehensions；　and　possibly　to　produce　mutual

reclamations　between　nations　which　have　a　common　interest　in

preserving　peace　and　friendship。　　In　clear　cases　of　these　kinds　I

have　so　far　as　possible　heard　and　redressed　complaints　which　have

been　presented　by　friendly　powers。　　There　is　still；　however；　a　large

and　an　augmenting　number　of　doubtful　cases　upon　which　the　government

is　unable　to　agree　with　the　governments　whose　protection　is　demanded

by　the　claimants。　　There　are；　moreover；　many　cases　in　which　the

United　States　or　their　citizens　suffer　wrongs　from　the　naval　or

military　authorities　of　foreign　nations　which　the　governments　of

those　states　are　not　at　once　prepared　to　redress。　　I　have　proposed　to

some　of　the　foreign　states　thus　interested　mutual　conventions　to

examine　and　adjust　such　complaints。　　This　proposition　has　been　made

especially　to　Great　Britain；　to　France；　to　Spain；　and　to　Prussia。　　In

each　case　it　has　been　kindly　received；　but　has　not　yet　been　formally

adopted。



I　deem　it　my　duty　to　recommend　an　appropriation　in　behalf　of　the

owners　of　the　Norwegian　bark　Admiral　P。　Tordenskiold；　which　vessel

was　in　May；　1861；　prevented　by　the　commander　of　the　blockading　force

off　Charleston　from　leaving　that　port　with　cargo；　notwithstanding　a

similar　privilege　had　shortly　before　been　granted　to　an　English

vessel。　　I　have　directed　the　Secretary　of　State　to　cause　the　papers

in　the　case　to　be　communicated　to　the　proper　committees。



Applications　have　been　made　to　me　by　many　free　Americans　of　African

descent　to　favor　their　emigration；　with　a　view　to　such　colonization

as　was　contemplated　in　recent　acts　of　Congress；　Other　parties；　at

home　and　abroadsome　from　interested　motives；　others　upon　patriotic

considerations；　and　still　others　influenced　by　philanthropic

sentimentshave　suggested　similar　measures；　while；　on　the　other

hand；　several　of　the　Spanish　　American　republics　have　protested

against　the　sending　of　such　colonies　to　their　respective　territories。

Under　these　circumstances　I　have　declined