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the writings-6-第38部分
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plenipotentiary of that; republic。 On the 30th day of August; 1849;
Senor Don Rafael Rivas was received by this government as charge
d'affaires of the same republic。 On the 5th day of December; 1851; a
consular convention was concluded between that republic and the
United States; which treaty was signed on behalf of the Republic of
Granada by the same Senor Rivas。 This treaty is still in force。 On
the 27th of April; 1852; Senor Don Victoriano de Diego Paredes was
received as charge d'affaires of the Republic of New Granada。 On the
20th of June; 1855; General Pedro Alcantara Herran was again received
as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary; duly accredited
by the Republic of New Granada; and he has ever since remained; under
the same credentials; as the representative of that republic near the
Government of the United States。 On the 10th of September; 1857; a
claims convention was concluded between the United States and the
Republic of Granada。 This convention is still in force; and has in
part been executed。 In May; 1858; the constitution of the republic
was remodelled; and the nation assumed the political title of 〃The
Granadian Confederacy。〃 This fact was formally announced to this
Government; but without any change in their representative here。
Previously to the 4th day of March; 1861; a revolutionary war against
the Republic of New Granada; which had thus been recognized and
treated with by the United States; broke out in New Granada; assuming
to set up a new government under the name of 〃United States of
Colombia。〃 This war has had various vicissitudes; sometimes
favorable; sometimes adverse; to the revolutionary movements。 The
revolutionary organization has hitherto been simply a military
provisionary power; and no definitive constitution of government has
yet been established in New Granada in place of that organized by the
constitution of 1858。 The minister of the United States to the
Granadian Confederacy; who was appointed on the 29th day of May;
1861; was directed; in view of the occupation of the capital by the
revolutionary party and of the uncertainty of the civil war; not to
present his credentials to either the government of the Granadian
Confederacy or to the provisional military government; but to conduct
his affairs informally; as is customary in such cases; and to report
the progress of events and await the instructions of this Government。
The advices which have been received from him have not hitherto; been
sufficiently conclusive to determine me to recognize the
revolutionary government。 General Herran being here; with full
authority from the Government of New Canada; which has been so long
recognized by the United States; I have not received any
representative from the revolutionary government; which has not yet
been recognized; because such a proceeding would be in itself an act
of recognition。
Official communications have been had on various incidental and
occasional questions with General Herran as the minister
plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary of the Granadian Confederacy;
but in no other character。 No definitive measure or proceeding has
resulted from these communications; and a communication of them at
present would not; in my judgment; be compatible with the public
interest。
ABRAHAM LINCOLN。
TO SECRETARY OF WAR。
WASHINGTON; January 15; 1863。
SECRETARY OF WAR:
Please see Mr。 Stafford; who wants to assist in raising colored
troops in Missouri。
A。 LINCOLN。
PRINTING MONEY
MESSAGE TO CONGRESS。
January 17; 1863。
TO THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:
I have signed the joint resolution to provide for the immediate
payment of the army and navy of the United States; passed by the
House of Representatives on the 14th and by the Senate on the 15th
instant。
The joint resolution is a simple authority; amounting; however; under
existing circumstances; to a direction; to the Secretary of the
Treasury to make an additional issue of 100;000;000 in United States
notes; if so much money is needed; for the payment of the army and
navy。
My approval is given in order that every possible facility may be
afforded for the prompt discharge of all arrears of pay due to our
soldiers and our sailors。
While giving this approval; however; I think it my duty to express my
sincere regret that it has been found necessary to authorize so large
an additional issue of United States notes; when this circulation and
that of the suspended banks together have become already so redundant
as to increase prices beyond real values; thereby augmenting the cost
of living to the injury of labor; and the cost of supplies to the
injury of the whole country。
It seems very plain that continued issues of United States notes
without any check to the issues of suspended banks; and without
adequate provision for the raising of money by loans and for funding
the issues so as to keep them within due limits; must soon produce
disastrous consequences; and this matter appears to me so important
that I feel bound to avail myself of this occasion to ask the special
attention of Congress to it。
That Congress has power to regulate the currency of the country can
hardly admit of doubt; and that a judicious measure to prevent the
deterioration of this currency; by a seasonable taxation of bank
circulation or otherwise; is needed seems equally clear。
Independently of this general consideration; it would be unjust to
the people at large to exempt banks enjoying the special privilege of
circulation from their just proportion of the public burdens。
In order to raise money by way of loans most easily and cheaply; it
is clearly necessary to give every possible support to the public
credit。 To that end a uniform currency; in which taxes;
subscriptions to loans; and all other ordinary public dues as well as
all private dues may be paid; is almost if not quite indispensable。
Such a currency can be furnished by banking associations organized
under a general act of Congress; as suggested in my message at the
beginning of the present session。 The securing of this circulation
by the pledge of United States bonds; as therein suggested; would
still further facilitate loans; by increasing the present and causing
a future demand for such bonds。
In view of the actual financial embarrassments of the government; and
of the greater embarrassment sure to come if the necessary means of
relief be not afforded; I feel that I should not perform my duty by a
simple announcement of my approval of the joint resolution; which
proposes relief only by increased circulation; without expressing my
earnest desire that measures such in substance as those I have just
referred to may receive the early sanction of Congress。 By such
measures; in my opinion; will payment be most certainly secured; not
only to the army and navy; but to all honest creditors of the
government; and satisfactory provision made for future demands on the
treasury。
ABRAHAM LINCOLN。
TO THE WORKING…MEN OF MANCHESTER; ENGLAND。
EXECUTIVE MANSION; WASHINGTON;
January; 1863。
TO THE WORKING…MEN OF MANCHESTER:
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the address and
resolutions which you sent me on the eve of the new year。 When I
came; on the 4th of March; 1861; through a free and constitutional
election to fireside in the Government of the United States; the
country was found at the verge of civil war。 Whatever might have
been the cause; or whosesoever the fault; one duty; paramount to all
others; was before me; namely; to maintain and preserve at once the
Constitution and the integrity of the Federal Republic。
A conscientious purpose to perform this duty is the key to all the
measures of administration which have been and to all which will
hereafter be pursued。 Under our frame of government and my official
oath; I could not depart from this purpose if I would。 It is not
always in the power of governments to enlarge or restrict the scope
of moral results which follow the policies that they may deem it
necessary for the public safety from time to time to adopt。
I have understood well that the duty of self…preservation rests
solely with the American people; but I have at the same time been
aware that favor or disfavor of foreign nations might have a material
influence in enlarging or prolonging the struggle with disloyal men
in which the country is engaged。 A fair examination of history has
served to authorize a belief that the past actions and influences of
the United States were generally regarded as having been beneficial
toward mankind。 I have; therefore; reckoned upon the forbearance of
nations。 Circumstancesto some of which you kindly alludeinduce
me especially to expect that if justice and good faith should be
practised by
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