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on　trial　for　treason；　and　on　his　being　held　to　answer　for　capital　or

otherwise　infamous　crimes；　and　in　criminal　prosecutions　his　right　to

a　speedy　and　public　trial　by　an　impartial　jury。　　They　proceed　to

resolve　〃that　these　safeguards　of　the　rights　of　the　citizen　against

the　pretensions　of　arbitrary　power　were　intended　more　especially　for

his　protection　in　times　of　civil　commotion。〃　And；　apparently　to

demonstrate　the　proposition；　the　resolutions　proceed：　〃They　were

secured　substantially　to　the　English　people　after　years　of　protracted

civil　war；　and　were　adopted　into　our　Constitution　at　the　close　of　the

Revolution。〃　Would　not　the　demonstration　have　been　better　if　it　could

have　been　truly　said　that　these　safeguards　had　been　adopted　and

applied　during　the　civil　wars　and　during　our　Revolution；　instead　of

after　the　one　and　at　the　close　of　the　other？　　　I　too　am　devotedly　for

them　after　civil　war；　and　before　Civil　war；　and　at　all　times；　〃except

when；　in　cases　of　rebellion　or　invasion；　the　public　safety　may

require〃　their　suspension。　　The　resolutions　proceed　to　tell　us　that

these　safeguards　〃have　stood　the　test　of　seventy…six　years　of　trial

under　our　republican　system；　under　circumstances　which　show　that；

while　they　constitute　the　foundation　of　all　free　government；　they　are

the　elements　of　the　enduring　stability　of　the　republic。〃　No　one

denies　that　they　have　so　stood　the　test　up　to　the　beginning　of　the

present　rebellion；　if　we　except　a　certain　occurrence　at　New　Orleans

hereafter　to　be　mentioned；　nor　does　any　one　question　that　they　will

stand　the　same　test　much　longer　after　the　rebellion　closes。　　But

these　provisions　of　the　Constitution　have　no　application　to　the　case

we　have　in　hand；　because　the　arrests　complained　of　were　not　made　for

treasonthat　is；　not　for　the　treason　defined　in　the　Constitution；

and　upon　the　conviction　of　which　the　punishment　is　deathnor　yet

were　they　made　to　hold　persons　to　answer　for　any　capital　or　otherwise

infamous　crimes；　nor　were　the　proceedings　following；　in　any

constitutional　or　legal　sense；　〃criminal　prosecutions。〃　The　arrests

were　made　on　totally　different　grounds；　and　the　proceedings　following

accorded　with　the　grounds　of　the　arrests。　　Let　us　consider　the　real

case　with　which　we　are　dealing；　and　apply　to　it　the　parts　of　the

Constitution　plainly　made　for　such　cases。



Prior　to　my　installation　here　it　had　been　inculcated　that　any　State

had　a　lawful　right　to　secede　from　the　national　Union；　and　that　it

would　be　expedient　to　exercise　the　right　whenever　the　devotees　of　the

doctrine　should　fail　to　elect　a　president　to　their　own　liking。　　I　was

elected　contrary　to　their　liking；　and　accordingly；　so　far　as　it　was

legally　possible；　they　had　taken　seven　States　out　of　the　Union；　had

seized　many　of　the　United　States　forts；　and　had　fired　upon　the　United

States　flag；　all　before　I　was　inaugurated；　and；　of　course；　before　I

had　done　any　official　act　whatever。　　The　rebellion　thus　begun　soon

ran　into　the　present　civil　war；　and；　in　certain　respects；　it　began　on

very　unequal　terms　between　the　parties。　　The　insurgents　had　been

preparing　for　it　more　than　thirty　years；　while　the　government　had

taken　no　steps　to　resist　them。　　The　former　had　carefully　considered

all　the　means　which　could　be　turned　to　their　account。　　It　undoubtedly

was　a　well…pondered　reliance　with　them　that　in　their　own　unrestricted

effort　to　destroy　Union；　Constitution　and　law；　all　together；　the

government　would；　in　great　degree；　be　restrained　by　the　same

Constitution　and　law　from　arresting　their　progress。　　Their

sympathizers　invaded　all　departments　of　the　government　and　nearly　all

communities　of　the　people。　　From　this　material；　under　cover　of

〃liberty　of　speech；〃　〃liberty　of　the　press；〃　and　〃habeas　corpus；〃

they　hoped　to　keep　on　foot　amongst　us　a　most　efficient　corps　of

spies；　informers；　suppliers；　and　aiders　and　abettors　of　their　cause

in　a　thousand　ways。　　They　knew　that　in　times　such　as　they　were

inaugurating；　by　the　Constitution　itself　the　〃habeas　corpus〃　might　be

suspended；　but　they　also　knew　they　had　friends　who　would　make　a

question　as　to　who　was　to　suspend　it；　meanwhile　their　spies　and

others　might　remain　at　large　to　help　on　their　cause。　　Or　if；　as　has

happened；　the　Executive　should　suspend　the　writ　without　ruinous　waste

of　time；　instances　of　arresting　innocent　persons　might　occur；　as　are

always　likely　to　occur　in　such　cases；　and　then　a　clamor　could　be

raised　in　regard　to　this；　which　might　be　at　least　of　some　service　to

the　insurgent　cause。　　It　needed　no　very　keen　perception　to　discover

this　part　of　the　enemies　program；　so　soon　as　by　open　hostilities

their　machinery　was　fairly　put　in　motion。　　Yet；　thoroughly　imbued

with　a　reverence　for　the　guaranteed　rights　of　individuals；　I　was　slow

to　adopt　the　strong　measures　which　by　degrees　I　have　been　forced　to

regard　as　being　within　the　exceptions　of　the　Constitution；　and　as

indispensable　to　the　public　safety。　　Nothing　is　better　known　to

history　than　that　courts　of　justice　are　utterly　incompetent　to　such

cases。　　Civil　courts　are　organized　chiefly　for　trials　of　individuals…

…or；　at　most；　a　few　individuals　acting　in　concert；　and　this　in　quiet

times；　and　on　charges　of　crimes　well　defined　in　the　law。　　　Even　in

times　of　peace　bands　of　horse…thieves　and　robbers　frequently　grow　too

numerous　and　powerful　for　the　ordinary　courts　of　justice。　　　But　what

comparison；　in　numbers　have　such　bands　ever　borne　to　the　insurgent

sympathizers　even　in　many　of　the　loyal　States？　　Again；　a　jury　too

frequently　has　at　least　one　member　more　ready　to　hang　the　panel　than

to　hang　the　traitor。　　And　yet　again；　he　who　dissuades　one　man　from

volunteering；　or　induces　one　soldier　to　desert；　weakens　the　Union

cause　as　much　as　he　who　kills　a　Union　soldier　in　battle。　　Yet　this

dissuasion　or　inducement　may　be　so　conducted　as　to　be　no　defined

crime　of　which　any　civil　court　would　take　cognizance。





Ours　is　a　case　of　rebellionso　called　by　the　resolutions　before　me

in　fact；　a　clear；　flagrant；　and　gigantic　case　of　rebellion；　and　the

provision　of　the　Constitution　that　〃the　privilege　of　the　writ　of

habeas　corpus　shall　not　be　suspended　unless　when；　in　cases　of

rebellion　or　invasion；　the　public　safety　may　require　it；〃　is　the

provision　which　specially　applies　to　our　present　case。　　This

provision　plainly　attests　the　understanding　of　those　who　made　the

Constitution　that　ordinary　courts　of　justice　are　inadequate　to　〃cases

of　rebellion〃attests　their　purpose　that；　in　such　cases；　men　may　be

held　in　custody　whom　the　courts；　acting　on　ordinary　rules；　would

discharge。　　Habeas　corpus　does　not　discharge　men　who　are　proved　to　be

guilty　of　defined　crime；　and　its　suspension　is　allowed　by　the

Constitution　on　purpose　that　men　may　be　arrested　and　held　who　can　not

be　proved　to　be　guilty　of　defined　crime；　〃when；　in　cases　of　rebellion

or　invasion；　the　public　safety　may　require　it。〃



This　is　precisely　our　present　casea　case　of　rebellion　wherein　the

public　safety　does　require　the　suspensionIndeed；　arrests　by　process

of　courts　and　arrests　in　cases　of　rebellion　do　not　proceed　altogether

upon　the　same　basis。　　The　former　is　directed　at　the　small　percentage

of　ordinary　and　continuous　perpetration　of　crime；　while　the　latter　is

directed　at　sudden　and　extensive　uprisings　against　the　government；

which；　at　most；　will　succeed　or　fail　in　no　great　length　of　time。　　In

the　latter　case　arrests　are　made　not　so　much　for　what　has　been　done

as　for　what　probably　would　be　done。　　The　latter　is　more　for　the

preventive　and　less　for　the　vindictive　than　the　former。　　In　such

cases　the　purposes　of　men　are　much　more　easily　understood　than　in

cases　of　ordinary　crime。　　The　man　who　stands　by　and　says　nothing　when

the　peril　of　his　government　is　discussed；　cannot　be　misunderstood。

If　not　hindered；　he　is　sure　to　help　the　enemy；　much　more　if　he　talks

ambiguouslytalks　for　his　country　with　〃buts；〃　and　〃ifs；〃　and

〃ands。〃　Of　how　little　value　the　constitutional　provision　I　have

quoted　will　be　rendered　if　arrests　shall　never　be　made　until　defined

crimes　shall　have　been　committed；　may　be　illustrated　by　a　few　notable

examples：　General　John　C。　Breckinridge；　General　Robert　E。　Lee；

General　Joseph　E。　Johnston；　General　John　B。　Magruder；　General　William

B。　Preston；　General　Simon　B。　Buckner；　and　Commodore　Franklin

Buchanan；　now　occupying　the　very　highest　places　in　the　rebel　war

service；　were　all　within　the　power　of　the　government　since　the

rebellion　began；　and　were　nearly　as　well　known　to　be　traitors　then　as

now。　　Unquestionably　if　we　had　seized　and　had　them　the　insurgent

cause　would　be　much　weaker。　　But　no　one　of　them　had　then　committed

any　crime　defined　in　the　law。　　　Every　one　of　them；　if　arrested；　would

have　been　discharged　on　habeas　corpus　were　the　writ　allowed　to

operate。　　In　view　of　these　and　similar　cases；　I　think　the　time　not

unlikely　to　come　when　I　shall　be　blamed　for　having　made　too　few

arrests　rather　than　too　many。



By　the　third　res