the spirit of laws-第124部分

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nor　to　the　filial　piety　of　the　daughter；　all　it　had　an　eye　to　was　the　person　to　whom　the　bequest　was　made　in　trust；　and　who　on　such　occasion　found　himself　in　a　terrible　dilemma。　If　he　restored　the　estate；　he　was　a　bad　citizen；　if　he　kept　it；　he　was　a　bad　man。　None　but　good…natured　people　thought　of　eluding　the　law；　and　they　could　pitch　upon　none　but　honest　men　to　help　them　to　elude　it；　for　a　trust　of　this　kind　requires　a　triumph　over　avarice　and　inordinate　pleasure；　which　none　but　honest　men　are　likely　to　obtain。　Perhaps　in　this　light　to　look　upon　them　as　bad　citizens　would　have　savoured　too　much　of　severity。　It　is　not　impossible　but　that　the　legislator　carried　his　point　in　a　great　measure；　since　his　law　was　of　such　a　nature　as　obliged　none　but　honest　men　to　elude　it。

At　the　time　when　the　Voconian　law　was　passed；　the　Romans　still　preserved　some　remains　of　their　ancient　purity　of　manners。　Their　conscience　was　sometimes　engaged　in　favour　of　the　law；　and　they　were　made　to　swear　they　would　observe　it：＇40＇　so　that　honesty　in　some　measure　was　set　in　opposition　against　itself。　But　latterly　their　morals　were　corrupted　to　such　a　degree　that　the　fiduciary　bequests　must　have　had　less　efficacy　to　elude　the　Voconian　law；　than　that　very　legislator　had　to　enforce　its　observance。

The　civil　wars　were　the　destruction　of　an　infinite　number　of　citizens。　Under　Augustus；　Rome　was　almost　deserted；　it　was　necessary　to　re…people　it。　They　made　the　Papian　laws；　which　omitted　nothing　that　could　encourage　the　citizens　to　marry　and　procreate　children。＇41＇　One　of　the　principal　means　was　to　increase；　in　favour　of　those　who　gave　in　to　the　views　of　the　law；　the　hopes　of　being　heirs；　and　to　diminish　the　expectations　of　those　who　refused；　and　as　the　Voconian　law　had　rendered　women　incapable　of　succeeding；　the　Papian　law；　in　certain　cases；　dispensed　with　this　prohibition。＇42＇

Women；＇43＇　especially　those　who　had　children；　were　rendered　capable　of　receiving　in　virtue　of　the　will　of　their　husbands；　they　even　might；　when　they　had　children；　receive　in　virtue　of　the　will　of　strangers。　All　this　was　in　direct　opposition　to　the　regulations　of　the　Voconian　law：　and　yet　it　is　remarkable　that　the　spirit　of　this　law　was　not　entirely　abandoned。　For　example；　the　Papian　law；　which　permitted　a　man　who　had　one　child＇44＇　to　receive　an　entire　inheritance　by　the　will　of　a　stranger；　granted　the　same　favour　to　the　wife　only　when　she　had　three　children。＇45＇

It　must　be　remarked　that　the　Papian　law　did　not　render　the　women　who　had　three　children　capable　of　succeeding　except　in　virtue　of　the　will　of　strangers；　and　that　with　respect　to　the　succession　of　relatives；　it　left　the　ancient　laws；　and　particularly　the　Voconian；　in　all　their　force。＇46＇　But　this　did　not　long　subsist。

Rome；　corrupted　by　the　riches　of　every　nation；　had　changed　her　manners；　the　putting　a　stop　to　the　luxury　of　women　was　no　longer　minded。　Aulus　Gellius；　who　lived　under　Adrian；＇47＇　tells　us；　that　in　his　time　the　Voconian　law　was　almost　abolished；　it　was　buried　under　the　opulence　of　the　city。　Thus　we　find　in　the　sentences　of　Paulus；＇48＇　who　lived　under　Niger；　and　in　the　fragments　of　Ulpian；＇49＇　who　was　in　the　time　of　Alexander　Severus；　that　the　sisters　on　the　father's　side　might　succeed；　and　that　none　but　the　relatives　of　a　more　distant　degree　were　in　the　case　of　those　prohibited　by　the　Voconian　law。

The　ancient　laws　of　Rome　began　to　be　thought　severe。　The　pr？tors　were　no　longer　moved　except　by　reasons　of　equity；　moderation；　and　decorum。

We　have　seen；　that　by　the　ancient　laws　of　Rome　mothers　had　no　share　in　the　inheritance　of　their　children。　The　Voconian　law　afforded　a　new　reason　for　their　exclusion。　But　the　Emperor　Claudius　gave　the　mother　the　succession　of　her　children　as　a　consolation　for　her　loss。　The　Tertullian　senatus　consultum；　made　under　Adrian；＇50＇　gave　it　them　when　they　had　three　children　if　free　women；　or　four　if　they　were　freedwomen。　It　is　evident；　that　this　decree　of　the　senate　was　only　an　extension　of　the　Papian　law；　which　in　the　same　case　had　granted　to　women　the　inheritance　left　them　by　strangers。　At　length　Justinian　favoured　them　with　the　succession　independently　of　the　number　of　their　children。＇51＇

The　same　causes　which　had　debilitated　the　law　against　the　succession　of　women　subverted　that；　by　degrees；　which　had　limited　the　succession　of　the　relatives　on　the　woman's　side。

These　laws　were　extremely　conformable　to　the　spirit　of　a　good　republic；　where　they　ought　to　have　such　an　influence　as　to　prevent　this　sex　from　rendering　either　the　possession；　or　the　expectation　of　wealth；　an　instrument　of　luxury。　On　the　contrary；　the　luxury　of　a　monarchy　rendering　marriage　expensive　and　costly；　it　ought　to　be　there　encouraged；　both　by　the　riches　which　women　may　bestow；　and　by　the　hope　of　the　inheritances　it　is　in　their　power　to　procure。　Thus　when　monarchy　was　established　at　Rome；　the　whole　system　of　successions　was　changed。　The　pr？tors　called　the　relatives　of　the　woman's　side　in　default　of　those　of　the　male　side；　though　by　the　ancient　laws；　the　relatives　on　the　woman's　side　were　never　called。　The　Orphitian　senatus　consultum　called　children　to　the　succession　of　their　mother；　and　the　Emperors　Valentinian；　Theodosius；　and　Arcadius　called　the　grandchildren　by　the　daughter　to　the　succession　of　the　grandfather。＇52＇　In　short；　the　Emperor　Justinian＇53＇　left　not　the　least　vestige　of　the　ancient　right　of　successions：　he　established　three　orders　of　heirs；　the　descendants；　the　ascendants；　and　the　collaterals；　without　any　distinction　between　the　males　and　females；　between　the　relatives　on　the　woman's　side；　and　those　on　the　male　side；　and　abrogated　all　laws　of　this　kind；　which　were　still　in　force：　he　believed　that　he　followed　nature；　even　in　deviating　from　what　he　called　the　embarrassments　of　the　ancient　jurisprudence。

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1。　Dionysius　Halicarnassus；　ii。　3。　Plutarch's　comparison　between　Numa　and　Lycurgus。

2。　Ast　si　intestato　moritur　cui　suus　h？res　nec　exhabit；　agnatus　proximus　familiam　habeto。　Fragment　of　the　law　of　the　Twelve　Tables　in　Ulpian；　the　last　title。

3。　See　Ulpian；　Fragment。；　§　8；　tit。　26。　Institutes；　tit。　3；　In　pr？mio　ad　S。C。　Tertullianum。

4。　Paul；　Sentences；　tit。　8；　§　3。

5。　Institutes；　iii；　tit。　1；　§　15。

6。　Book　iv；　p。　276。

7。　Dionysius　Halicarnassus　proves；　by　a　law　of　Numa；　that　the　law　which　permitted　a　father　to　sell　his　son　three　times　was　made　by　Romulus；　and　not　by　the　Decemvirs。　　Book　ii。

8。　See　Plutarch；　Solon。

9。　This　testament；　called　in　procinctu；　was　different　from　that　which　they　styled　military；　which　was　established　only　by　the　constitutions　of　the　emperors。　Leg。　1；　ff。　de　militari　testamento。　This　was　one　of　the　artifices　by　which　they　cajoled　the　soldiers。

10。　This　testament　was　not　in　writing；　and　it　was　without　formality；　sine　libra　et　tabulis；　as　Cicero　says；　De　Orat。；　i。

11。　Institutes；　ii；　tit。　10；　§　1。　Aulus　Gellius；　xv。　27。　They　called　this　form　of　testament　per　？s　et　libram。

12。　Ulpian；　tit。　10；　§　2。

13。　Theophilus；　Institutes；　ii；　tit。　10。

14。　Livy；　iv；　Nondum　argentum　signatum　erat。　He　speaks　of　the　time　of　the　siege　of　Veii。

15。　Tit。　20；　§　13。

16。　Institutes；　ii；　tit。　10；　§　1。

17。　Let　Titus　be　my　heir。

18。　Vulgar；　pupillary；　and　exemplary。

19。　Augustus；　for　particular　reasons；　first　began　to　authorise　the　fiduciary　bequest；　which；　in　the　Roman　law；　was　called　fidei　commissum。　Institutes；　ii；　tit。　23；　§　1。

20。　Ad　liberos　matris　intestat？　h？redit　as；　leg。　12　Tab。；　non　pertinebat；　quia；　f？min？　suos　h？redes　non　habent。　Ulpian；　Fragment。；　tit。　26；　§　7。

21。　It　was　proposed　by　Quintus　Voconius；　tribune　of　the　people；　in　the　year　585　of　Rome；　169　B。C。　See　Cicero；　Second　Oration　against　Verres。　In　the　Epitome　of　Livy；　xli　we　should　read　Voconius；　instead　of　Voluminus。

22。　Sanxit　。　。　。　。　。　ne　quis　h？redem　virginern　neve　mulierem　faceret。　　Cicero；　Second　Oration　against　Verres；　107。

23。　Legem　tulit；　ne　quis　h？redem　mulierem　institueret　　Book　xli。

24。　Second　Oration　against　Verres。

25。　City　of　God；　iii。　21。

26。　Epitome　of　Livy；　xli。

27。　Book　xvii；　6。

28。　Institutes；　ii；　tit。　22

29。　Ibid。

30。　Nemo　censuit　plus　Fadi？　dandum；　quam　posset　ad　cam　lege　Voconia　pervenire。　De　Finib。　boni　et　mali；　ii。　55。

31。　Cum　lege　Voconia　mulieribus　prohiberetur；　ne　qua　majorem　centum　millibus　nummum　h？reditatem　posset　adire。　Book　lvi。

32。　Qui　census　esset。　Second　Oration　against　Verres。

33。　Census　non　erat。　Ibid。

34。　Book　iv。

35。　Oratio　pro　C？cinna。

36。　These　five　classes　were　so　considerable；　that　authors　sometimes　mention　no　more　than　five。

37。　In　C？ritum　tabulas　referri；　？rarius　fieri。

38。　Cicero；　De　Finib。　boni　et　mali；　ii。　58。

39。　Ibid。

40。　Sextilius　said　he　had　sworn　to　observe　it。　　Cicero；　De　Finib。　boni　et　mali；　ii。　55。

41。　See　what　has　been　said　in　xxiii。　21。

42。　The　same　difference　occurs　in　several　regulations　of　the　Papian　law。　See　Ulpian；　Fragment。　tit。　ult。；　§§　4；　5；　6。

43。　See　Ulpian；　Fragment。；　tit。　15；　§　16。

44。　Quod　tibi　filiolus；　vel　filia　nascitur　ex　me；　Jura　Parentis　habes；　propter　me　scriberis　h？res。　　Juvenal；　Sat。　ix。　5；　83；　87。

45。　See　Leg。　9；　Cod。　Theod。　De　bonis　proscriptorum；　and　Dio；　lv。　See　Ulpian；　Fragment。；　tit。　ult。；　§　6；　and　tit