the spirit of laws-第65部分

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They　made　the　Sillanian　Senatus…Consultum；　and　other　laws；＇23＇　which　decreed　that　when　a　master　was　murdered　all　the　slaves　under　the　same　roof；　or　in　any　place　so　near　the　house　as　to　be　within　the　hearing　of　a　man's　voice；　should；　without　distinction；　be　condemned　to　die。　Those　who　in　this　case　sheltered　a　slave；　in　order　to　save　him；　were　punished　as　murderers；＇24＇　he　whom　his　master＇25＇　ordered　to　kill　him；　and　who　obeyed；　was　reputed　guilty；　even　he　who　did　not　hinder　him　from　killing　himself　was　liable　to　be　punished。＇26＇　If　a　master　was　murdered　on　a　journey；　they　put　to　death　those　who　were　with　him　and　those　who　fled。＇27＇　All　these　laws　operated　even　against　persons　whose　innocence　was　proved；　the　intent　of　them　was　to　inspire　their　slaves　with　a　prodigious　respect　for　their　master。　They　were　not　dependent　on　the　civil　government；　but　on　a　fault　or　imperfection　of　the　civil　government。　They　were　not　derived　from　the　equity　of　civil　laws；　since　they　were　contrary　to　the　principle　of　those　laws。　They　were　properly　founded　on　the　principles　of　war；　with　this　difference；　that　the　enemies　were　in　the　bosom　of　the　state。　The　Sillanian　Senatus…Consultum　was　derived　from　the　law　of　nations；　which　requires　that　a　society；　however　imperfect；　should　be　preserved。

It　is　a　misfortune　in　government　when　the　magistrates　thus　find　themselves　under　the　necessity　of　making　cruel　laws；　because　they　have　rendered　obedience　difficult；　they　are　obliged　to　increase　the　penalty　of　disobedience；　or　to　suspect　the　slave's　fidelity。　A　prudent　legislator　foresees　the　ill　consequences　of　rendering　the　legislature　terrible。　The　slaves　amongst　the　Romans　could　have　no　confidence　in　the　laws；　and　therefore　the　laws　could　have　none　in　them。

16。　Regulations　between　Masters　and　Slaves。　The　magistrates　ought　to　take　care　that　the　slave　has　his　food　and　raiment；　and　this　should　be　regulated　by　law。

The　laws　ought　to　provide　that　care　be　taken　of　them　in　sickness　and　old　age。　Claudius＇28＇　decreed　that　the　slaves　who　in　sickness　had　been　abandoned　by　their　masters　should；　in　case　they　recovered；　be　emancipated。　This　law　insured　their　liberty；　but　should　not　there　have　been　some　care　also　taken　to　preserve　their　lives？

When　the　law　permitted　a　master　to　take　away　the　life　of　his　slave；　he　was　invested　with　a　power　which　he　ought　to　exercise　as　judge；　and　not　as　master；　it　was　necessary；　therefore；　that　the　law　should　ordain　those　formalities　which　remove　the　suspicion　of　an　act　of　violence。

When　fathers；　at　Rome；　were　no　longer　permitted　to　put　their　children　to　death；　the　magistrates　ordained　the　punishment　which　the　father　would　have　inflicted。＇29＇　A　like　custom　between　the　master　and　his　slaves　would　be　highly　reasonable　in　a　country　where　masters　have　the　power　of　life　and　death。

The　law　of　Moses　was　extremely　severe。　If　a　man　struck　his　servant　so　that　he　died　under　his　hand；　he　was　to　be　punished；　but；　if　he　survived　a　day　or　two；　no　punishment　ensued；　because　he　was　his　money。＇30＇　Strange　that　a　civil　institution　should　thus　relax　the　law　of　nature！

By　a　law　of　the　Greeks；＇31＇　a　slave　too　severely　treated　by　his　master　might　insist　upon　being　sold　to　another。　In　later　times　there　was　a　law　of　the　same　nature　at　Rome。＇32＇　A　master　displeased　with　his　slave；　and　a　slave　with　his　master；　ought　to　be　separated。

When　a　citizen　uses　the　slave　of　another　ill；　the　latter　ought　to　have　the　liberty　of　complaining　before　the　judge。　The　laws　of　Plato；＇33＇　and　of　most　nations；　took　away　from　slaves　the　right　of　natural　defence。　It　was　necessary　then　that　they　should　give　them　a　civil　defence。

At　Sparta　slaves　could　have　no　justice　against　either　insults　or　injuries。　So　excessive　was　their　misery；　that　they　were　not　only　the　slaves　of　a　citizen；　but　also　of　the　public；　they　belonged　to　all；　as　well　as　to　one。　At　Rome；　when　they　considered　the　injury　done　to　a　slave；　they　had　regard　only　to　the　interest　of　the　master。＇34＇　In　the　breach　of　the　Aquilian　law　they　confounded　a　wound　given　to　a　beast　and　that　given　to　a　slave；　they　regarded　only　the　diminution　of　their　value。　At　Athens；＇35＇　he　who　had　abused　the　slave　of　another　was　punished　severely；　and　sometimes　even　with　death。　The　law　of　Athens　was　very　reasonable　in　not　adding　the　loss　of　security　to　that　of　liberty。

17。　Of　Enfranchisements。　It　is　easy　to　perceive　that　many　slaves　in　a　republican　government　create　a　necessity　of　making　many　free。　The　evil　is；　if　they　have　too　great　a　number　of　slaves　they　cannot　keep　them　in　due　bounds；　if　they　have　too　many　freedmen；　they　cannot　live；　and　must　become　a　burden　to　the　republic：　besides；　it　may　be　as　much　in　danger　from　the　multitude　of　freedmen　as　from　that　of　slaves。　It　is　necessary；　therefore；　that　the　law　should　have　an　eye　to　these　two　inconveniences。

The　several　laws　and　decrees　of　the　senate　made　at　Rome；　both　for　and　against　slaves；　sometimes　to　limit；　and　at　other　times　to　facilitate；　their　enfranchisement；　plainly　show　the　embarrassment　in　which　they　found　themselves　in　this　respect。　There　were　even　times　in　which　they　durst　not　make　laws。　When；　under　Nero；＇36＇　they　demanded　of　the　senate　permission　for　the　masters　to　reduce　again　to　slavery　the　ungrateful　freedmen；　the　emperor　declared　that　it　was　their　duty　to　decide　the　affairs　of　individuals；　and　to　make　no　general　decree。

Much　less　can　I　determine　what　ought　to　be　the　regulations　of　a　good　republic　in　such　an　affair；　this　depends　on　too　many　circumstances。　Let　us；　however；　make　some　reflections。

A　considerable　number　of　freedmen　ought　not　suddenly　to　be　made　by　a　general　law。　We　known　that　among　the　Volsinienses＇37＇　the　freedmen；　becoming　masters　of　the　suffrages；　enacted　an　abominable　law；　which　gave　them　the　right　of　lying　the　first　night　with　the　young　women　married　to　the　free…born。

There　are　several　ways　of　insensibly　introducing　new　citizens　into　a　republic。　The　laws　may　favour　the　acquiring　a　peculium；　and　put　slaves　into　a　condition　of　buying　their　liberty：　they　may　prescribe　a　term　to　servitude；　like　those　of　Moses；　which　limited　that　of　the　Hebrew　slaves　to　six　years。＇38＇　It　is　easy　to　enfranchise　every　year　a　certain　number　of　those　slaves　who；　by　their　age；　health；　or　industry；　are　capable　of　getting　a　subsistence。　The　evil　may　be　even　cured　in　its　root；　as　a　great　number　of　slaves　are　connected　with　the　several　employments　which　are　given　them；　to　divide　among　the　free…born　a　part　of　these　employments；　for　example；　commerce　or　navigation；　is　diminishing　the　number　of　slaves。

When　there　are　many　freedmen；　it　is　necessary　that　the　civil　laws　should　determine　what　they　owe　to　their　patron；　or　that　these　duties　should　be　fixed　by　the　contract　of　enfranchisement。

It　is　certain　that　their　condition　should　be　more　favoured　in　the　civil　than　in　the　political　state；　because；　even　in　a　popular　government；　the　power　ought　not　to　fall　into　the　hands　of　the　vulgar。

At　Rome；　where　they　had　so　many　freedmen；　the　political　laws　with　regard　to　them　were　admirable。　They　gave　them　very　little；　and　excluded　them　almost　from　nothing：　they　had　even　a　share　in　the　legislature；　but　the　resolutions　they　were　capable　of　taking　were　almost　of　no　weight。　They　might　bear　a　part　in　the　public　offices；　and　even　in　the　dignity　of　the　priesthood；＇39＇　but　this　privilege　was　in　some　sort　rendered　useless　by　the　disadvantages　they　had　to　encounter　in　the　elections。　They　had　a　right　to　enter　into　the　army；　but　they　were　to　be　registered　in　a　certain　class　of　the　census　before　they　could　be　soldiers。　Nothing　hindered　the＇40＇　freedmen　from　being　united　by　marriage　with　the　families　of　the　free…born；　but　they　were　not　permitted　to　mix　with　those　of　the　senator。　In　short；　their　children　were　free…born；　though　they　were　not　so　themselves。

18。　Of　Freedmen　and　Eunuchs。　Thus　in　a　republican　government　it　is　frequently　of　advantage　that　the　situation　of　the　freedmen　be　but　little　below　that　of　the　free…born；　and　that　the　laws　be　calculated　to　remove　a　dislike　of　their　condition。　But　in　a　despotic　government；　where　luxury　and　arbitrary　power　prevail；　they　have　nothing　to　do　in　this　respect；　the　freedmen　generally　finding　themselves　above　the　free…born。　They　rule　in　the　court　of　the　prince；　and　in　the　palaces　of　the　great；　and　as　they　study　the　foibles　and　not　the　virtues　of　their　master；　they　lead　him　entirely　by　the　former；　not　by　the　latter。　Such　were　the　freedmen　of　Rome　in　the　times　of　the　emperors。

When　the　principal　slaves　are　eunuchs；　let　never　so　many　privileges　be　granted　them；　they　can　hardly　be　regarded　as　freedmen。　For　as　they　are　incapable　of　having　a　family　of　their　own；　they　are　naturally　attached　to　that　of　another：　and　it　is　only　by　a　kind　of　fiction　that　they　are　considered　as　citizens。

And　yet　there　are　countries　where　the　magistracy　is　entirely　in　their　hands。　〃In　Tonquin；〃＇41＇　says　Dampier；＇42＇　〃all　the　mandarins；　civil　and　military；　are　eunuchs。〃　They　have　no　families；　and　though　they　are　naturally　avaricious；　the　master　or　the　prince　benefits　in　the　end　by　this　very　passion。

Dampier　tells　us；　too；＇43＇　that　in　this　country　the　eunuchs　cannot　live　without　women；　and　therefore　marry。　The　law　which　permits　their　marriage　may　be　founded　partly　on　their　respect　for