abraham lincoln and the union-第6部分

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working　its　maddest　act　the　very　ecstasy　of　its　madnessthe　permanent　formation　and　the　actual　triumph　of　a　party　which　knows　one　half　of　America　only　to　hate　and　dread　it。　　If　the　Republican　party；〃　Choate　continued；　〃accomplishes　its　object　and　gives　the　government　to　the　North；　I　turn　my　eyes　from　the　consequences。　　To　the　fifteen　states　of　the　South　that　government　will　appear　an　alien　government。　　It　will　appear　worse。　　It　will　appear　a　hostile　government。　　It　will　represent　to　their　eye　a　vast　region　of　states　organized　upon　anti…slavery；　flushed　by　triumph；　cheered　onward　by　the　voice　of　the　pulpit；　tribune；　and　press；　its　mission；　to　inaugurate　freedom　and　put　down　the　oligarchy；　its　constitution；　the　glittering　and　sounding　generalities　of　natural　right　which　make　up　the　Declaration　of　Independence。。。。　　Practically　the　contest；　in　my　judgment；　is　between　Mr。　Buchanan　and　Colonel　Fremont。　　In　these　circumstances；　I　vote　for　Mr。　Buchanan。〃

The　party　of　political　evasion　thus　became　the　refuge　of　the　old　original　Whigs　who　were　forced　to　take　advantage　of　any　port　in　a　storm。　　Buchanan　was　elected　by　an　overwhelming　majority。　　To　the　careless　eye；　Douglas　had　been　justified　by　results；　his　party　had　triumphed　as　perhaps　never　before；　and　yet；　no　great　political　success　was　ever　based　upon　less　stable　foundations。　　To　maintain　this　position；　those　Northerners　who　reasoned　as　Choate　did　were　a　necessity；　but　to　keep　them　in　the　party　of　political　evasion　would　depend　upon　the　ability　of　this　party　to　play　the　game　of　politics　without　acknowledging　sectional　bias。　　Whether　this　difficult　task　could　be　accomplished　would　depend　upon　the　South。　Toombs；　on　his　part；　was　anxious　to　continue　making　the　party　of　evasion　play　the　great　American　game　of　politics；　and　in　his　eagerness　he　perhaps　overestimated　his　hold　upon　the　South。　　This；　however；　remains　to　be　seen。

Already　another　faction　had　formed　around　William　L。　Yancey　of　Alabamaa　faction　as　intolerant　of　political　evasion　as　the　Republicans　themselves；　and　one　that　was　eager　to　match　the　sectional　Northern　party　by　a　sectional　Southern　party。　　It　had　for　the　moment　fallen　into　line　with　the　Toombs　faction　because；　like　the　Whigs；　it　had　not　the　courage　to　do　otherwise。　　The　question　now　was　whether　it　would　continue　fearful；　and　whether　political　evasion　would　continue　to　reign。

The　key　to　the　history　of　the　next　four　years　is　in　the　growth　of　this　positive　Southern　party；　which　had　the　inevitable　result　of　forcing　the　Whig　remainder　to　choose；　not　as　in　1856　between　a　positive　sectional　policy　and　an　evasive　nonsectional　policy；　but　in　1860　between　two　policies　both　of　which　were　at　once　positive　and　sectional。



CHAPTER　III。　THE　POLITICIANS　AND　THE　NEW　DAY

The　South　had　thus　far　been　kept　in　line　with　the　cause　of　political　evasion　by　a　small　group　of　able　politicians；　chief　among　whom　were　Robert　Toombs；　Howell　Cobb；　and　Alexander　H。　Stephens。　　Curiously　enough　all　three　were　Georgians；　and　this　might　indeed　be　called　the　day　of　Georgia　in　the　history　of　the　South。

A　different　type　of　man；　however；　and　one　significant　of　a　divergent　point　of　view；　had　long　endeavored　to　shake　the　leadership　of　the　Georgian　group。　　Rhett　in　South　Carolina；　Jefferson　Davis　in　Mississippi；　and　above　all　Yancey　in　Alabama；　together　with　the　interests　and　sentiment　which　they　represented；　were　almost　ready　to　contest　the　orthodoxy　of　the　policy　of　〃nothing　doing。〃　　To　consolidate　the　interests　behind　them；　to　arouse　and　fire　the　sentiment　on　which　they　relied；　was　now　the　confessed　purpose　of　these　determined　men。　　So　little　attention　has　hitherto　been　given　to　motive　in　American　politics　that　the　modern　student　still　lacks　a　clear…cut　and　intelligent　perception　of　these　various　factions。　　In　spite　of　this　fact；　however；　these　men　may　safely　be　regarded　as　being　distinctly　more　intellectual；　and　as　having　distinctly　deeper　natures；　than　the　men　who　came　together　under　the　leadership　of　Toombs　and　Cobb；　and　who　had　the　true　provincial　enthusiasm　for　politics　as　the　great　American　sport。

The　factions　of　both　Toombs　and　Yancey　were　intensely　Southern　and；　whenever　a　crisis　might　come；　neither　meant　to　hesitate　an　instant　over　striking　hard　for　the　South。　　Toombs；　however；　wanted　to　prevent　such　a　situation；　while　Yancey　was　anxious　to　force　one。　The　former　conceived　felicity　as　the　joy　of　playing　politics　on　the　biggest　stage；　and　he　therefore　bent　all　his　strength　to　preserving　the　so…called　national　parties；　the　latter；　scornful　of　all　such　union；　was　for　a　separate　Southern　community。

Furthermore；　no　man　could　become　enthusiastic　about　political　evasion　unless　by　nature　he　also　took　kindly　to　compromise。　　So；　Toombs　and　his　followers　were　for　preserving　the　negative　Democratic　position　of　1856。　　In　a　formal　paper　of　great　ability　Stephens　defended　that　position　when　he　appeared　for　reelection　to　Congress　in　1857。　　Cobb；　who　had　entered　Buchanan's　Cabinet　as　Secretary　of　the　Treasury；　and　who　spoke　hopefully　of　making　Kansas　a　slave　state；　insisted　nevertheless　that　such　a　change　must　be　〃brought　about　by　the　recognized　principles　of　carrying　out　the　will　of　the　majority　which　is　the　great　doctrine　of　the　Kansas　Bill。〃　　To　Yancey；　as　to　the　Republicans；　Kansas　was　a　disputed　border…land　for　which　the　so…called　two　nations　were　fighting。

The　internal　Southern　conflict　between　these　two　factions　began　anew　with　the　Congressional　elections　of　1857。　　It　is　worth　observing　that　the　make…up　of　these　factions　was　almost　a　resurrection　of　the　two　groups　which；　in　1850；　had　divided　the　South　on　the　question　of　rejecting　the　Compromise。　　In　a　letter　to　Stephens　in　reference　to　one　of　the　Yancey　men；　Cobb　prophesied：　〃McDonald　will　utterly　fail　to　get　up　a　new　Southern　Rights　party。　Burnt　children　dread　the　fire；　and　he　cannot　get　up　as　strong　an　organization　as　he　did　in　1850。　　Still　it　is　necessary　to　guard　every　point；　as　McDonald　is　a　hard　hand　to　deal　with。〃　　For　the　moment；　he　foretold　events　correctly。　　The　Southern　elections　of　1857　did　not　break　the　hold　of　the　moderates。

Yancey　turned　to　different　machinery；　quite　as　useful　for　his　purpose。　　This　he　found　in　the　Southern　commercial　conventions；　which　were　held　annually。　　At　this　point　there　arises　a　vexed　question　which　has；　of　late；　aroused　much　discussion。　　Was　there　then　what　we　should　call　today　a　slave　〃interest〃？　　Was　organized　capital　deliberately　exploiting　slavery？　　And　did　Yancey　play　into　its　hands？*　　The　truth　seems　to　be　that；　between　1856　and　1860；　both　the　idealist　parties；　the　Republicans　and　the　Secessionists；　made　peace　with；　shall　we　say；　the　Mammon　of　unrighteousness；　or　merely　organized　capital？　　The　one　joined　hands　with　the　iron　interest　of　the　North；　the　other；　with　the　slave　interest　of　the　South。　　The　Republicans　preached　the　domination　of　the　North　and　a　protective　tariff；　the　Yancey　men　preached　the　independence　of　the　South　and　the　reopening　of　the　slave　trade。

*　For　those　who　would　be　persuaded　that　there　was　such　a　slave　interest；　perhaps　the　best　presentation　is　to　be　found　in　Professor　Dodd's　Life　of　Jefferson　Davis。


These　two　issues　Yancey；　however；　failed　to　unite；　though　the　commercial　convention　of　1859　at　last　gave　its　support　to　a　resolution　that　all　laws；　state　or　federal；　prohibiting　the　African　slave　trade　ought　to　be　repealed。　　That　great　body　of　Northern　capital　which　had　dealings　with　the　South　was　ready；　as　it　always　had　been；　to　finance　any　scheme　that　Southern　business　desired。　　Slavers　were　fitted　out　in　New　York；　and　the　city　authorities　did　not　prevent　their　sailing。　　Against　this　somber　background　stands　forth　that　much　admired　action　of　Lewis　Cass　of　Michigan；　Buchanan's　Secretary　of　State。　　Already　the　slave　trade　was　in　process　of　revival；　and　the　British　Navy；　impelled　by　the　powerful　anti…slavery　sentiment　in　England；　was　active　in　its　suppression。　　American　ships　suspected　of　being　slavers　were　visited　and　searched。　　Cass　seized　his　opportunity；　and　declaring　that　such　things　〃could　not　be　submitted　to　by　an　independent　nation　without　dishonor；〃　sent　out　American　warships　to　prevent　this　interference。　　Thereupon　the　British　government　consented　to　give　up　trying　to　police　the　ocean　against　slavers。　It　is　indeed　true；　therefore；　that　neither　North　nor　South　has　an　historical　monopoly　of　the　support　of　slavery！

It　is　but　fair　to　add　that；　so　far　as　the　movement　to　reopen　the　slave　trade　found　favor　outside　the　slave　barons　and　their　New　York　allies；　it　was　advocated　as　a　means　of　political　defense；　of　increasing　Southern　population　as　an　offset　to　the　movement　of　free　emigration　into　the　North；　and　of　keeping　the　proportion　of　Southern　representation　in　Congress。　　Stephens；　just　after　Cass　had　successfully　twisted　the　lion's　tail；　took　this　position　in　a　speech　that　caused　a　sensation。　　In　a　private　letter　he　added；　〃Unless　we　get　immigration　from　abroad；　we　shall　have　few　more　slave　states。　　This　great　truth　seems　to　take　the　people　by　surprise。　　Some　shrink　from　it　as　they　would　from　death。　Still；　it　is　as　true　as　death。〃　　The　scheme；　however；　never　received　general　acceptance；　and　in　the　constitution　of　the　Southern　Confederacy　there　was　a　section　prohibit