abraham lincoln and the union-第8部分

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o　be　dissolved。　I　do　not　expect　the　house　to　fall　but　I　do　expect　it　will　cease　to　be　divided。　　It　will　become　all　one　thing　or　all　the　other。　Either　the　opponents　of　slavery　will　arrest　the　further　spread　of　it；　and　place　it　where　the　public　mind　shall　rest　in　the　belief　that　it　is　in　the　course　of　ultimate　extinction；　or　its　advocates　will　push　it　forward　till　it　shall　become　alike　lawful　in　all　the　states；　old　as　well　as　newNorth　as　well　as　South。〃

No　one　had　ever　so　tellingly　expressed　the　deathgrapple　of　the　sections：　slavery　the　weapon　of　one；　free　labor　the　weapon　of　the　other。　　Though　Lincoln　was　at　that　time　forty…nine　years　old；　his　political　experience；　in　contrast　with　that　of　Douglas；　was　negligible。　　He　afterward　aptly　described　his　early　life　in　that　expressive　line　from　Gray；　〃The　short　and　simple　annals　of　the　poor。〃　　He　lacked　regular　schooling；　and　it　was　altogether　from　the　practice　of　law　that　he　had　gained　such　formal　education　as　he　had。　　In　law；　however；　he　had　become　a　master；　and　his　position；　to　judge　from　the　class　of　cases　entrusted　to　him；　was　second　to　none　in　Illinois。　　To　that　severe　yet　wholesome　cast　of　mind　which　the　law　establishes　in　men　naturally　lofty；　Lincoln　added　the　tonic　influence　of　a　sense　of　stylenot　the　verbal　acrobatics　of　a　rhetorician；　but　that　power　to　make　words　and　thought　a　unit　which　makes　the　artist　of　a　man　who　has　great　ideas。　　How　Lincoln　came　by　this　literary　faculty　is；　indeed；　as　puzzling　as　how　Burns　came　by　it。　　But　there　it　was；　disciplined　by　the　court　room；　made　pungent　by　familiarity　with　plain　people；　stimulated　by　constant　reading　of　Shakespeare；　and　chastened　by　study　of　the　Bible。

It　was　arranged　that　Douglas　and　Lincoln　should　tour　the　State　together　in　a　series　of　joint　debates。　　As　a　consequence　there　followed　a　most　interesting　opposition　of　methods　in　the　use　of　words；　a　contest　between　the　method　formed　in　Congress　at　a　time　when　Congress　was　a　perfect　rhetorical　academy；　and　that　method　of　using　words　which　was　based　on　an　arduous　study　of　Blackstone；　Shakespeare；　and　Isaiah。　　Lincoln　issued　from　the　debates　one　of　the　chief　intellectual　leaders　of　America；　and　with　a　place　in　English　literature；　Douglas　came　out　a　Senator　from　Illinois。

But　though　Douglas　kept　his　following　together；　and　though　Lincoln　was　voted　down；　to　Lincoln　belonged　the　real　strategic　victory。　In　order　to　save　himself　with　his　own　people；　Douglas　had　been　forced　to　make　admissions　that　ruined　him　with　the　South。　　Because　of　these　admissions　the　breach　in　the　party　of　political　evasion　became　irreparable。　　It　was　in　the　debate　at　Freeport　that　Douglas's　fate　overtook　him；　for　Lincoln　put　this　question：　〃Can　the　people　of　a　United　States　territory；　in　any　lawful　way；　against　the　wish　of　any　citizen　of　the　United　States；　exclude　slavery　from　its　limits；　prior　to　the　formation　of　a　state　constitution？〃

Douglas　answered　in　his　best　style　of　political　thunder。　　〃It　matters　not；〃　he　said；　〃what　way　the　Supreme　Court　may　hereafter　decide　as　to　the　abstract　question　whether　slavery　may　or　may　not　go　into　a　territory　under　the　Constitution；　the　people　have　the　lawful　means　to　introduce　it　or　exclude　it　as　they　please；　for　the　reason　that　slavery　cannot　exist　a　day　or　an　hour　anywhere　unless　it　is　supported　by　local　police　regulations。　　Those　police　regulations　can　only　be　established　by　the　local　legislatures；　and　if　the　people　are　opposed　to　slavery；　they　will　elect　representatives　to　that　body　who　will　by　unfriendly　legislation　effectually　prevent　the　introduction　of　it　into　their　midst。　If；　on　the　contrary；　they　are　for　it；　their　legislation　will　favor　its　extension。　　Hence；　no　matter　what　the　decision　of　the　Supreme　Court　may　be　on　that　abstract　question；　still　the　right　of　the　people　to　make　a　slave　territory　or　a　free　territory　is　perfect　and　complete　under　the　Nebraska　Bill。〃

As　to　the　moral　aspect　of　his　actions；　Douglas　must　ultimately　be　judged　by　the　significance　which　this　position　in　which　he　placed　himself　assumed　in　his　own　mind。　　Friendly　critics　excuse　him：　an　interpretation　of　the　Dred　Scott　decision　which　explained　it　away　as　an　irresponsible　utterance　on　a　subject　outside　the　scope　of　the　case；　a　mere　obiter　dictum；　is　the　justification　which　is　called　in　to　save　him　from　the　charge　of　insincerity。　　His　friends；　today；　admit　that　this　interpretation　was　bad　law；　but　maintain　that　it　may　have　been　good　morals；　and　that　Douglas　honestly　held　it。　　But　many　of　us　have　not　yet　advanced　so　far　in　critical　generosity；　and　cannot　help　feeling　that　Douglas's　position　remains　political　legerdemainan　attempt　by　a　great　officer　of　the　government；　professing　to　defend　the　Supreme　Court；　to　show　the　people　how　to　go　through　the　motions　of　obedience　to　the　Court　while　defeating　its　intention。　　If　not　double…dealing　in　a　strict　sense；　it　must　yet　be　considered　as　having　in　it　the　temper　of　double…dealing。*　This　was；　indeed；　the　view　of　many　men　of　his　own　day　and；　among　them；　of　Lincoln。　　Yet　the　type　of　man　on　whom　the　masters　of　the　game　of　politics　relied　saw　nothing　in　Douglas's　position　at　which　to　be　disturbed。　　It　was　merely　playing　politics；　and　if　that　absorbing　sport　required　one　to　carry　water　on　both　shoulders；　whyplay　the　game！　Douglas　was　the　man　for　people　like　that。　　They　cheered　him　to　the　echo　and　sent　him　back　to　the　Senate。　　So　well　was　this　type　understood　by　some　of　Lincoln's　friends　that　they　had　begged　him；　at　least　according　to　tradition；　not　to　put　the　question　at　Freeport；　as　by　doing　so　he　would　enable　Douglas　to　save　himself　with　his　constituency。　　Lincoln　saw　further；　however。　　He　understood　better　than　they　the　forces　then　at　work　in　America。　The　reply　reported　of　him　was：　〃If　Douglas　answers；　he　can　never　be　President；　and　the　battle　of　1860　is　worth　a　hundred　of　this。〃

*　There　are　three　ways　of　regarding　Douglas's　position：　（1）　As　a　daring　piece　of　evasion　designed　to　hold　all　the　Democrats　together；　（2）　as　an　attempt　to　secure　his　locality　at　all　costs；　taking　his　chances　on　the　South；　（3）　as　a　sincere　expression　of　the　legal　interpretation　mentioned　above。　　It　is　impossible　in　attempting　to　choose　among　these　to　escape　wholly　one's　impression　of　the　man's　character。


Well　might　Yancey　and　his　followers　receive　with　a　shout　of　joy　the　〃Freeport　Doctrine；〃　as　Douglas's　supreme　evasion　was　called。　Should　Southerners　trust　any　longer　the　man　who　had　evolved　from　the　principle　of　let…'em…alone　to　the　principle　of　double…dealing？　However；　the　Southerners　were　far　from　controlling　the　situation。　Though　the　events　of　1858　had　created　discord　in　the　Democratic　party；　they　had　not　consolidated　the　South。　　Men　like　Toombs　and　Stephens　were　still　hopeful　of　keeping　the　States　together　in　the　old　bond　of　political　evasion。　　The　Democratic　machine；　damaged　though　it　was；　had　not　yet　lost　its　hold　on　the　moderate　South；　and　while　that　continued　to　be　the　case；　there　was　still　power　in　it。



CHAPTER　IV。　THE　CRISIS

The　Southern　moderates　in　1859　form　one　of　those　political　groups；　numerous　enough　in　history；　who　at　a　crisis　arrest　our　imagination　because　of　the　irony　of　their　situation。　　Unsuspecting；　these　men　went　their　way；　during　the　last　summer　of　the　old　regime；　busy　with　the　ordinary　affairs　of　state；　absorbed　in　their　opposition　to　the　Southern　radicals；　never　dreaming　of　the　doom　that　was　secretly　moving　toward　them　through　the　plans　of　John　Brown。　　In　the　soft　brilliancy　of　the　Southern　summer　when　the　roses　were　in　bloom；　many　grave　gentlemen　walked　slowly　up　and　down　together　under　the　oaks　of　their　plantation　avenues；　in　the　grateful　dusk；　talking　eagerly　of　how　the　scales　trembled　in　Southern　politics　between　Toombs　and　Yancey；　and　questioning　whether　the　extremists　could　ride　down　the　moderate　South　and　reopen　the　slave　trade。　　In　all　their　wondering　whether　Douglas　would　ever　come　back　to　them　or　would　prove　the　blind　Samson　pulling　down　their　temple　about　their　ears；　there　was　never　a　word　about　the　approaching　shadow　which　was　so　much　more　real　than　the　shades　of　the　falling　night；　and　yet　so　entirely　shut　away　from　their　observation。

In　this　summer；　Stephens　withdrew　as　he　thought　from　public　life。　With　an　intensely　sensitive　nature；　he　had　at　times　flashes　of　strange　feeling　which　an　unsophisticated　society　would　regard　as　prophetic　inspirations。　　When　he　left　Washington　〃on　the　beautiful　morning　of　the　5th　of　March；　1859；　he　stood　at　the　stern　of　the　boat　for　some　minutes　gazing　back　at　the　capital。〃　　He　had　announced　his　intention　of　not　standing　again　as　a　Representative；　and　one　of　his　fellow…passengers　asked　jokingly　whether　he　was　thinking　of　his　return　as　a　Senator。　　Stephen's　reply　was　full　of　emotion；　〃No；　I　never　expect　to　see　Washington　again　unless　I　am　brought　here　as　a　prisoner　of　war。〃　　During　the　summer　he　endeavored　to　cast　off　his　intuition　of　approaching　disaster。　　At　his　plantation；　〃Liberty　Hall；〃　he　endeavored　to　be　content　with　the　innumerable　objects　associated　with　his　youth；　he　tried　to　feel　again　the　grace　of　the　days　that　were　gone；　the　mysterious　loveliness　of　the　Southern　landscape　with　its　immense　fields；　its　forests；　its　great　empty　spaces　filled　with　glowing　sunshine。　　He　tried　to　possess　h