the anti-slavery crusade-第22部分

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n　the　possession　of　lifelong　friendships　and　happy　memories。　Sumner's　political　career　did　not　begin　until　1847；　when　as　a　Whig　he　not　only　opposed　any　further　extension　of　slavery　but　strove　to　commit　his　party　to　the　policy　of　emancipation　in　all　the　States。　Failing　in　this　attempt；　Sumner　became　an　active　Free…Boiler　in　1848。　He　was　twice　a　candidate　for　Congress　on　the　Free…soil　ticket　but　failed　of　election。　In　1851　he　was　elected　to　the　United　States　Senate　by　a　coalition　between　his　party　and　the　Democrats。　This　is　the　only　public　office　he　ever　held；　but　he　was　continuously　reelected　until　his　death　in　1874。　John　Quincy　Adams　had　addressed　audiences　trained　in　the　old　school；　which　did　not　defend　slavery　on　moral　grounds。　Charles　Sumner　faced　audiences　of　the　new　school；　which　upheld　the　institution　as　a　righteous　moral　order。　This　explains　the　chief　difference　in　the　attitude　of　the　two　leaders。　Sumner；　like　Adams；　began　as　an　opponent　of　pro…slavery　aggression；　but　he　went　farther：　he　attacked　the　institution　itself　as　a　great　moral　evil。　As　a　constitutional　lawyer　Sumner　is　not　the　equal　of　his　predecessor；　Daniel　Webster。　He　is　less　original；　less　convincing　in　the　enunciation　of　broad　general　principles。　He　appears　rather　as　a　special　pleader　marshaling　all　available　forces　against　the　one　institution　which　assailed　the　Union。　In　this　particular　work；　he　surpassed　all　others；　for；　with　his　unbounded　industry；　he　permitted　no　precedent；　no　legal　advantage；　no　incident　of　history；　no　fact　in　current　politics　fitted　to　strengthen　his　cause；　to　escape　his　untiring　search。　He　showed　a　marvelous　skill　in　the　selection；　arrangement；　and　presentation　of　his　materials；　and　for　his　models　he　took　the　highest　forms　of　classic　forensic　utterance。　Sumner　exhibited　the　ordinary　aloofness　and　lack　of　familiarity　with　actual　conditions　in　the　South　which　was　characteristic　of　the　New　England　abolitionist。　He　perceived　no　race　problem；　no　peculiar　difficulty　in　the　readjustments　of　master　and　slave　which　were　involved　in　emancipation；　and　he　ignored　all　obstacles　to　the　accomplishment　of　his　ends。　Webster's　arraignment　of　South　Carolina　was　directed　against　an　alleged　erroneous　dogma　and　only　incidentally　affected　personal　morality。　The　reaction；　therefore；　was　void　of　bitter　resentment。　Sumner's　charges　were　directed　against　alleged　moral　turpitude；　and　the　classic　form　and　scrupulous　regard　for　parliamentary　rules　which　he　observed　only　added　to　the　feeling　of　personal　resentment　on　the　part　of　his　opponents。　Some　of　the　defenders　of　slavery　were　themselves　devoted　students　of　the　classics；　but　they　found　that　the　orations　of　Demosthenes　furnished　nothing　suited　to　their　purpose。　The　result　was　a　humiliating　exhibition　of　weakness；　personal　abuse；　and　vindictiveness　on　their　part。　There　was　a　conspiracy　of　silence　on　the　slavery　question　in　1852。　Each　of　the　national　parties　was　definitely　committed　to　the　support　of　the　compromise　and　especially　to　the　faithful　observance　of　the　Fugitive　Slave　Law。　Free…soilers　had　distinctly　declined　in　numbers　and　influence　during　the　four　preceding　years。　Only　a　handful　of　members　in　each　House　of　Congress　remained　unaffiliated　with　the　parties　whose　platforms　had　ordained　silence　on　the　one　issue　of　chief　public　concern。　It　was　by　a　mere　accident　in　Massachusetts　politics　that　Charles　Sumner　was　sent　to　the　Senate　as　a　man　free　on　all　public　questions。　While　the　parties　were　making　their　nominations　for　the　Presidency；　Sumner　sought　diligently　for　an　opportunity　in　the　Senate　to　give　utterance　to　the　sentiments　of　his　party　on　the　repeal　of　the　Fugitive　Slave　Act。　But　not　until　late　in　August　did　he　overcome　the　resistance　of　the　combined　opposition　and　gain　the　floor。　The　watchmen　were　caught　off　guard　when　Sumner　introduced　an　amendment　to　an　appropriation　bill　which　enabled　him　to　deliver　a　carefully　prepared　address；　several　hours　in　length；　calling　for　the　repeal　of　the　law。　The　first　part　of　this　speech　is　devoted　to　the　general　topic　of　the　relation　of　the　national　Government　to　slavery　and　was　made　in　answer　to　the　demand　of　Calhoun　and　his　followers　for　the　direct　national　recognition　of　slavery。　For　such　a　demand　Sumner　found　no　warrant。　By　the　decision　of　Lord　Mansfield；　said　he；　〃the　state　of　slavery〃　was　declared　to　be　〃of　such　a　nature；　that　it　is　incapable　of　being　introduced　on　any　reasons；　moral　or　political；　but　ONLY　BY　POSITIVE　LAW　。　。　。　。　it　is　so　odious；　that　nothing　can　be　suffered　to　support　it　but　positive　law。〃　Adopting　the　same　principle；　the　Supreme　Court　of　the　State　of　Mississippi；　a　tribunal　of　slaveholders；　asserted　that　〃slavery　is　condemned　by　reason　and　the　Laws　of　Nature。　It　exists；　and　can　ONLY　exist；　through　municipal　regulations。〃　So　also　declared　the　Supreme　Court　of　Kentucky　and　numerous　other　tribunals。　This　aspect　of　the　subject　furnished　Sumner　occasion　for　a　masterly　array　of　all　the　utterances　in　favor　of　liberty　to　be　found　in　the　Constitution；　in　the　Declaration　of　Independence；　in　the　constitutional　conventions；　in　the　principles　of　common　law。　All　these　led　up　to　and　supported　the　one　grand　conclusion　that；　when　Washington　took　the　oath　as　President　of　the　United　States；　〃slavery　existed　nowhere　on　the　national　territory〃　and　therefore　〃is　in　no　respect　a　national　institution。〃　Apply　the　principles　of　the　Constitution　in　their　purity；　then；　and　〃in　all　national　territories　slavery　will　be　impossible。　On　the　high　seas；　under　the　national　flag；　slavery　will　be　impossible。　In　the　District　of　Columbia；　slavery　will　instantly　cease。　Inspired　by　these　principles；　Congress　can　give　no　sanction　to　slavery　by　the　admission　of　new　slave　States。　Nowhere　under　the　Constitution　can　the　Nation　by　legislation　or　otherwise；　support　slavery；　hunt　slaves；　or　hold　property　in　man　。　。　。　。　As　slavery　is　banished　from　the　national　jurisdiction；　it　will　cease　to　vex　our　national　politics。　It　may　linger　in　the　States　as　a　local　institution；　but　it　will　no　longer　engender　national　animosities　when　it　no　longer　demands　national　support。〃　The　second　part　of　Sumner's　address　dealt　directly　with　the　Fugitive　Slave　Act　of　1860。　It　is　much　less　convincing　and　suggests　more　of　the　characteristics　of　the　special　pleader　with　a　difficult　case。　Sumner　here　undertook　to　prove　that　Congress　exceeded　its　powers　when　it　presumed　to　lay　down　rules　for　the　rendition　of　fugitive　slaves；　and　this　task　exceeded　even　his　power　as　a　constitutional　lawyer。　The　circumstances　under　which　Sumner　attacked　slavery　were　such　as　to　have　alarmed　a　less　self…centered　man；　for　the　two　years　following　the　introduction　of　the　Nebraska　bill　were　marked　by　the　most　acrimonious　debate　in　the　history　of　Congress；　and　by　physical　encounters；　challenges；　and　threats　of　violence。　But　though　Congressmen　carried　concealed　weapons；　Sumner　went　his　way　unarmed　and　apparently　in　complete　unconcern　as　to　any　personal　danger；　though　it　is　known　that　he　was　fully　aware　that　in　the　faithful　performance　of　what　he　deemed　to　be　his　duty　he　was　incurring　the　risk　of　assassination。　The　pro…slavery　party　manifested　on　all　occasions　a　disposition　to　make　the　most　of　the　weak　point　in　Sumner's　constitutional　argument　against　the　Fugitive　Slave　Law。　He　was　accused　of　taking　an　oath　to　support　the　Constitution　though　at　the　same　time　intending　to　violate　one　of　its　provisions。　In　a　discussion；　in　June；　1854；　over　a　petition　praying　for　the　repeal　of　the　Fugitive　Slave　Act；　Senator　Butler　of　South　Carolina　put　the　question　directly　to　Senator　Sumner　whether　he　would　himself　unite　with　others　in　returning　a　fugitive　to　his　master。　Sumner's　quick　reply　was；　〃Is　thy　servant　a　dog　that　he　should　do　this　thing？〃　Enraged　Southerners　followed　this　remark　with　a　most　bitter　onslaught　upon　Sumner　which　lasted　for　two　days。　When　Sumner　again　got　the　floor；　he　said　in　reference　to　Senator　Butler's　remark：　〃In　fitful　phrase；　which　seemed　to　come　from　unconscious　excitement；　so　common　with　the　Senator；　he　shot　forth　various　cries　about　'dogs；'　and；　among　other　things；　asked　if　there　was　any　'dog'　in　the　Constitution？　The　Senator　did　not　seem　to　bear　in　mind；　through　the　heady　currents　of　that　moment　that；　by　the　false　interpretation　he　fastens　upon　the　Constitution；　he　has　helped　to　nurture　there　a　whole　kennel　of　Carolina　bloodhounds；　trained；　with　savage　jaw　and　insatiable　in　scent；　for　the　hunt　of　flying　bondmen。　No；　sir；　I　do　not　believe　that　there　is　any　'kennel　of　bloodhounds；'　or　even　any　'dog'　in　the　Constitution。〃　Thereafter　offensive　personal　references　between　the　Senators　from　Massachusetts　and　South　Carolina　became　habitual。　These　personalities　were　a　source　of　regret　to　many　of　Sumner's　best　friends；　but　they　fill　a　small　place；　after　all；　in　his　great　work。　Nor　were　they　the　chief　source　of　rancor　on　the　part　of　his　enemies；　for　Southern　orators　were　accustomed　to　personalities　in　debate。　Sumner　was　feared　and　hated　principally　because　his　presence　in　Congress　endangered　the　institution　of　slavery。　Sumner's　speech　on　the　crime　against　Kansas　was　perhaps　the　most　remarkable　effort　of　his　career。　It　had　been　known　for　many　weeks　that　Sumner　was　preparing　to　speak　upon　the　burning　question；　and　his　friends　had　already　expressed　anxiety　fo