友情提示:如果本网页打开太慢或显示不完整,请尝试鼠标右键“刷新”本网页!
读书室 返回本书目录 加入书签 我的书架 我的书签 TXT全本下载 『收藏到我的浏览器』

the psychology of revolution-第19部分

快捷操作: 按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页 按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页 按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部! 如果本书没有阅读完,想下次继续接着阅读,可使用上方 "收藏到我的浏览器" 功能 和 "加入书签" 功能!




The presence of these groups; actuated by different interests;

must make us consider an assembly as formed of superimposed and

heterogeneous crowds; each obeying its particular leaders。  The

law of the mental unity of crowds is manifested only in each

group; and it is only as a result of exceptional circumstances

that the different groups act with a single intention。



Each group in an assembly represents a single being。  The

individuals contributing to the formation of this being are no

longer themselves; and will unhesitatingly vote against their

convictions and their wishes。  On the eve of the day when Louis

XVI。 was to be condemned Vergniaud protested with indignation

against the suggestion that he should vote for his death; but he

did so vote on the following day。



The action of a group consists chiefly in fortifying hesitating

opinions。  All feeble individual convictions become confirmed

upon becoming collective。



Leaders of great repute or unusual violence can sometimes; by

acting on all the groups of an assembly; make them a single

crowd。  The majority of the members of the Convention enacted

measures entirely contrary to their opinions under the influence

of a very small number of such leaders。



Collectivities have always given way before active sectaries。 

The history of the revolutionary Assemblies shows how

pusillanimous they were; despite the boldness of their language

respecting kings; before the leaders of the popular riots。  The

invasion of a band of energumens commanded by an imperious leader

was enough to make them vote then and there the most absurd and

contradictory measures。



An assembly; having the characteristics of a crowd; will; like a

crowd; be extreme in its sentiments。  Excessive in its violence;

it will be excessive in its cowardice。  In general it will be

insolent to the weak and servile before the strong。



We remember the fearful humility of the Parliament when the

youthful Louis XIV。 entered; whip in hand; to pronounce his brief

speech。  We know with what increasing impertinence the

Constituent Assembly treated Louis XVI。 as it felt that he was

becoming defenceless。  Finally; we recall the terror of the

Convention under the reign of Robespierre。



This characteristic of assemblies being a general law; the

convocation of an assembly by a sovereign when his power is

failing must be regarded as a gross error in psychology。  The

assembling of the States General cost the life of Louis

XVI。  It all but lost Henry III。 his throne; when; obliged to

leave Paris; he had the unhappy idea of assembling the Estates at

Blois。  Conscious of the weakness of the king; the Estates at

once spoke as masters of the situation; modifying taxes;

dismissing officials; and claiming that their decisions should

have the force of law。



This progressive exaggeration of sentiments was plainly

demonstrated in all the assemblies of the Revolution。  The

Constituent Assembly; at first extremely respectful toward the

royal authority and its prerogatives; finally proclaimed itself a

sovereign Assembly; and treated Louis XVI as a mere official。 

The Convention; after relatively moderate beginnings; ended with

a preliminary form of the Terror; when judgments were still

surrounded by certain legal guarantees: then; quickly increasing

its powers; it enacted a law depriving all accused persons of the

right of defence; permitting their condemnation upon the mere

suspicion of being suspect。  Yielding more and more to its

sanguinary frenzy; it finally decimated itself。  Girondists;

Hebertists; Dantonists; and Robespierrists successively ended

their careers at the hands of the executioner。



This exaggeration of the sentiments of assemblies explains why

they were always so little able to control their own destinies

and why they so often arrived at conclusions exactly contrary to

the ends proposed。  Catholic and royalist; the Constituent

Assembly; instead of the constitutional monarchy it wished to

establish and the religion it wished to defend; rapidly led

France to a violent republic and the persecution of the clergy。



Political assemblies are composed; as we have seen; of

heterogeneous groups; but they have sometimes been formed of

homogeneous groups; as; for instance; certain of the clubs; which

played so enormous a part during the Revolution; and whose

psychology deserves a special examination。





2。  The Psychology of the Revolutionary Clubs。





Small assemblies of men possessing the same opinions; the same

beliefs; and the same interests; which eliminate all dissentient

voices; differ from the great assemblies by the unity of their

sentiments and therefore their wills。  Such were the communes;

the religious congregations; the corporations; and the clubs

during the Revolution; the secret societies during the first half

of the nineteenth century; and the Freemasons and syndicalists of

to…day。



The points of difference between a heterogeneous assembly and a

homogeneous club must be thoroughly grasped if we are to

comprehend the progress of the French Revolution。  Until the

Directory and especially during the Convention the Revolution was

directed by the clubs。



Despite the unity of will due to the absence of dissident parties

the clubs obey the laws of the psychology of crowds。  They are

consequently subjugated by leaders。  This we see especially in

the Jacobin Club; which was dominated by Robespierre。



The function of the leader of a club; a homogeneous crowd; is far

more difficult than that of a leader of a heterogeneous crowd。 

The latter may easily be led by harping on a small number of

strings; but in a homogeneous group like a club; whose

sentiments and interests are identical; the leader must

know how to humour them and is often himself led。



Part of the strength of homogeneous agglomerations resides in

their anonymity。  We know that during the Commune of 1871 a few

anonymous orders sufficed to effect the burning of the finest

monuments of Paris: the Hotel de Ville; the Tuileries; the

Cour des Comptes; the buildings of the Legion of Honour; &c。  A

brief order from the anonymous committees; ‘‘Burn Finances; burn

Tuileries;'' &c。; was immediately executed。  An unlooked…for

chance only saved the Louvre and its collections。  We know too

what religious attention is in our days accorded to the most

absurd injunctions of the anonymous leaders of the trades unions。



The clubs of Paris and the insurrectionary Commune were not less

scrupulously obeyed at the time of the Revolution。  An order

emanating from these was sufficient to hurl upon the Assembly a

popular army which dictated its wishes。



Summing up the history of the Convention in another chapter; we

shall see how frequent were these irruptions; and with what

servility the Assembly; which according to the legends was so

powerful bowed itself before the most imperative injunctions of a

handful of rioters。  Instructed by experience; the Directory

closed the clubs and put an end to the invasion of the populace

by energetically shooting them down。



The Convention had early grasped the superiority of homogeneous

groups over heterogeneous assemblies in matters of government;

which is why it subdivided itself into committees composed each

of a limited number of individuals。  These committeesof

Public Safety; of Finance; &c。formed small sovereign assemblies

in the midst of the larger Assembly。  Their power was held in

check only by that of the clubs。



The preceding considerations show the power of groups over the

wills of the members composing them。  If the group is

homogeneous; this action is considerable; if it is heterogeneous;

it is less considerable but may still become important; either

because the more powerful groups of an assembly will dominate

those whose cohesion is weaker or because certain contagious

sentiments will often extend themselves to all the members of an

assembly。



A memorable example of this influence of groups occurred at the

time of the Revolution; when; on the night of the 4th of August;

the nobles voted; on the proposition of one of their members; the

abandonment of feudal privileges。  Yet we know that the

Revolution resulted in part from the refusal of the clergy and

the nobles to renounce their privileges。  Why did they refuse to

renounce them at first?  Simply because men in a crowd do not act

as the same men singly。  Individually no member of the nobility

would ever have abandoned his rights。



Of this influence of assemblies upon their members Napoleon at

St。 Helena cited some curious examples:  ‘‘Nothing was more

common than to meet with men at this period quite unlike the

reputation that their acts and words would seem to justify。  For

instance; one might have supposed Monge to be a terrible fellow;

when war was decided upon he mounted the tribune of the Jacobins
返回目录 上一页 下一页 回到顶部 0 0
快捷操作: 按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页 按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页 按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部!
温馨提示: 温看小说的同时发表评论,说出自己的看法和其它小伙伴们分享也不错哦!发表书评还可以获得积分和经验奖励,认真写原创书评 被采纳为精评可以获得大量金币、积分和经验奖励哦!