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the psychology of revolution-第26部分

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the advantages of corruption。



‘‘Democracy has therefore two extremes to avoid; the extreme of

the spirit of equality leads to the despotism of a single person;

as the despotism of a single person leads to conquest。''



The ideal of Montesquieu was the English constitutional

government; which prevented the monarchy from degenerating into

despotism。  Otherwise the influence of this philosopher at the

moment of the Revolution was very slight。



As for the Encyclopaedists; to whom such a considerable

role is attributed; they hardly dealt with politics;

excepting d'Holbach; a liberal monarchist like Voltaire and

Diderot。  They wrote chiefly in defence of individual liberty;

opposing the encroachments of the Church; at that time extremely

intolerant and inimical to philosophers。  Being neither

Socialists nor democrats; the Revolution could not utilise any of

their principles。



Voltaire himself was by no means a partisan of democracy。



‘‘Democracy;'' he said; ‘‘seems only to suit a very small

country; and even then it must be fortunately situated。 

Little as it may be; it will make many mistakes; because it will

be composed of men。  Discord will prevail there as in a convent

full of monks; but there will be no St。 Bartholomew's day; no

Irish massacres; no Sicilian Vespers; no Inquisition; no

condemnation to the galleys for having taken water from the sea

without paying for it; unless we suppose this republic to be

composed of devils in a corner of hell。''



All these men who are supposed to have inspired the Revolution

had opinions which were far from subversive; and it is really

difficult to see that they had any real influence on the

development of the revolutionary movement。  Rousseau was one of

the very few democratic philosophers of his age; which is why his

Contrat Social became the Bible of the men of the Terror。  It

seemed to furnish the rational justification necessary to excuse

the acts deriving from unconscious mystic and affective impulses

which no philosophy had inspired。



To be quite truthful; the democratic instincts of Rousseau were

by no means above suspicion。  He himself considered that his

projects for social reorganisation; based upon popular

sovereignty; could be applied only to a very small State; and

when the Poles asked him for a draft democratic Constitution he

advised them to choose a hereditary monarch。



Among the theories of Rousseau that relating to the perfection of

the primitive social state had a great success。  He asserted;

together with various writers of his time; that primitive mankind

was perfect; it was corrupted only by society。  By modifying

society by means of good laws one might bring back the

happiness of the early world。  Ignorant of all psychology; he

believed that men were the same throughout time and space and

that they could all be ruled by the same laws and institutions。 

This was then the general belief。  ‘‘The vices and virtues of the

people;'' wrote Helvetius; ‘‘are always a necessary effect of its

legislation。 。 。 。  How can we doubt that virtue is in the case

of all peoples the result of the wisdom; more or less perfect; of

the administration?''



There could be no greater mistake。





3。  The Philosophical Ideas of the Bourgeoisie at the Time of

the Revolution。





It is by no means easy to say just what were the social and

political conceptions of a Frenchman of the middle classes at the

moment of the Revolution。  They might be reduced to a few

formulae concerning fraternity; equality; and popular

government; summed up in the celebrated Declaration of the Rights

of Man; of which we shall have occasion to quote a few passages。



The philosophers of the eighteenth century do not seem to have

been very highly rated by the men of the Revolution。  Rarely are

they quoted in the speeches of the time。  Hypnotised by their

classical memories of Greece and Rome; the new legislators re…

read their Plato and their Plutarch。  They wished to revive the

constitution of Sparta; with its manners; its frugal habits; and

its laws。



Lycurgus; Solon; Miltiades; Manlius Torquatus; Brutus; Mucius

Scaevola; even the fabulous Minos himself; became as familiar

in the tribune as in the theatre; and the public went crazy over

them。  The shades of the heroes of antiquity hovered over

the revolutionary assemblies。  Posterity alone has replaced them

by the shades of the philosophers of the eighteenth century。



We shall see that in reality the men of this period; generally

represented as bold innovators guided by subtle philosophers;

professed to effect no innovations whatever; but to return to a

past long buried in the mists of history; and which; moreover;

they scarcely ever in the least understood。



The more reasonable; who did not go so far back for their models;

aimed merely at adopting the English constitutional system; of

which Montesquieu and Voltaire had sung the praises; and which

all nations were finally to imitate without violent crises。



Their ambitions were confined to a desire to perfect the existing

monarchy; not to overthrow it。  But in time of revolution men

often take a very different path from that they propose to take。 

At the time of the convocation of the States General no one would

ever have supposed that a revolution of peaceful bourgeoisie

and men of letters would rapidly be transformed into one of the

most sanguinary dictatorships of history。







CHAPTER IV



PSYCHOLOGICAL ILLUSIONS RESPECTING THE FRENCH REVOLUTION



1。 Illusions respecting Primitive Man; the Return to a State of

Nature; and the Psychology of the People。



We have already repeated; and shall again repeat; that the errors

of a doctrine do not hinder its propagation; so that all we have

to consider here is its influence upon men's minds。



But although the criticism of erroneous doctrines is seldom of

practical utility; it is extremely interesting from a

psychological point of view。  The philosopher who wishes to

understand the working of men's minds should always carefully

consider the illusions which they live with。  Never; perhaps; in

the course of history have these illusions appeared so profound

and so numerous as during the Revolution。



One of the most prominent was the singular conception of the

nature of our first ancestors and primitive societies。 

Anthropology not having as yet revealed the conditions of our

remoter forbears; men supposed; being influenced by the legends

of the Bible; that man had issued perfect from the hands of the

Creator。  The first societies were models which were afterwards

ruined by civilisation; but to which mankind must return。 

The return to the state of nature was very soon the general cry。 

‘‘The fundamental principle of all morality; of which I have

treated in my writings;'' said Rousseau; ‘‘is that man is a being

naturally good; loving justice and order。''



Modern science; by determining; from the surviving remnants; the

conditions of life of our first ancestors; has long ago shown the

error of this doctrine。  Primitive man has become an ignorant and

ferocious brute; as ignorant as the modern savage of goodness;

morality; and pity。  Governed only by his instinctive impulses;

he throws himself on his prey when hunger drives him from his

cave; and falls upon his enemy the moment he is aroused by

hatred。  Reason; not being born; could have no hold over his

instincts。



The aim of civilisation; contrary to all revolutionary beliefs;

has been not to return to the state of nature but to escape from

it。  It was precisely because the Jacobins led mankind back to

the primitive condition by destroying all the social restraints

without which no civilisation can exist that they transformed a

political society into a barbarian horde。



The ideas of these theorists concerning the nature of man were

about as valuable as those of a Roman general concerning the

power of omens。  Yet their influence as motives of action was

considerable。  The Convention was always inspired by such ideas。



The errors concerning our primitive ancestors were excusable

enough; since before modern discoveries had shown us the real

conditions of their existence these were absolutely unknown。  But

the absolute ignorance of human psychology displayed by the men

of the Revolution is far less easy to understand。



It would really seem as though the philosophers and writers of

the eighteenth century must have been totally deficient in the

smallest faculty of observation。  They lived amidst their

contemporaries without seeing them and without understanding

them。  Above all; they had not a suspicion of the true nature of

the popular mind。  The man of the people always appeared to them

in the likeness of the chimerical model created by their dreams。 

As ignorant of psychology as of the teachings of history; they

considered 
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