war and the future-第37部分

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maintain　land　and　sea　forces　only　up　to　a　limit　agreed　upon　and
for　internal　police　use　only　or　for　the　purpose　of　enforcing　the
decisions　of　the　Tribunal。　　That　they　should　all　be　bound　to
attack　and　suppress　any　power　amongst　them　which　increases　its
war　equipment　beyond　its　defined　limits。

That　much　has　already　been　broached　in　several　quarters。　　But　so
far　is　not　enough。　　It　ignores　the　chief　processes　of　that
economic　war　that　aids　and　abets　and　is　inseparably　a　part　of
modern　international　conflicts。　　If　we　are　to　go　as　far　as　we
have　already　stated　in　the　matter　of　international　controls；　then
we　must　go　further　and　provide　that　the　International　Tribunal
should　have　power　to　consider　and　set　aside　all　tariffs　and
localised　privileges　that　seem　grossly　unfair　or　seriously
irritating　between　the　various　states　of　the　world。　　It　should
have　power　to　pass　or　revise　all　new　tariff；　quarantine；　alien
exclusion；　or　the　like　legislation　affecting　international
relations。　　Moreover；　it　should　take　over　and　extend　the　work　of
the　International　Bureau　of　Agriculture　at　Rome　with　a　view　to
the　control　of　all　staple　products。　　It　should　administer　the　sea
law　of　the　world；　and　control　and　standardise　freights　in　the
common　interests　of　mankind。　　Without　these　provisions　it　would
be　merely　preventing　the　use　of　certain　weapons；　it　would　be
doing　nothing　to　prevent　countries　strangling　or　suffocating　each
other　by　commercial　warfare。　　It　would　not　abolish　war。

Now　upon　this　issue　people　do　not　seem　to　me　to　be　yet　thinking
very　clearly。　　It　is　the　exception　to　find　anyone　among　the　peace
talkers　who　really　grasps　how　inseparably　the　necessity　for　free
access　for　everyone　to　natural　products；　to　coal　and　tropical
products；　e。g。　　free　shipping　at　non…discriminating　tariffs；　and
the　recognition　by　a　Tribunal　of　the　principle　of　common　welfare
in　trade　matters；　is　bound　up　with　the　ideal　of　a　permanent　world
peace。　　But　any　peace　that　does　not　provide　for　these　things　will
be　merely　laying　down　of　the　sword　in　order　to　take　up　the
cudgel。　　And　a　〃peace〃　that　did　not　rehabilitate　industrial
Belgium；　Poland；　and　the　north　of　France　would　call　imperatively
for　the　imposition　upon　the　Allies　of　a　system　of　tariffs　in　the
interests　of　these　countries；　and　for　a　bitter　economic　〃war
after　the　war〃　against　Germany。　　That　restoration　is；　of　course；
an　implicit　condition　to　any　attempt　to　set　up　an　economic　peace
in　the　world。

These　things　being　arranged　for　the　future；　it　would　be　further
necessary　to　set　up　an　International　Boundary　Commission；　subject
to　certain　defining　conditions　agreed　upon　by　the　belligerents；
to　re…draw　the　map　of　Europe；　Asia；　and　Africa。　　This　war　does
afford　an　occasion　such　as　the　world　may　never　have　again　of
tracing　out　the　〃natural　map〃　of　mankind；　the　map　that　will
secure　the　maximum　of　homogeneity　and　the　minimum　of　racial　and
economic　freedom。　　All　idealistic　people　hope　for　a　restored
Poland。　　But　it　is　a　childish　thing　to　dream　of　a　contented
Poland　with　Posen　still　under　the　Prussian　heel；　with　Cracow　cut
off；　and　without　a　Baltic　port。　　These　claims　of　Poland　to
completeness　have　a　higher　sanction　than　the　mere　give　and　take
of　belligerents　in　congress。

Moreover　this　International　Tribunal；　if　it　was　indeed　to　prevent
war；　would　need　also　to　have　power　to　intervene　in　the　affairs　of
any　country　or　region　in　a　state　of　open　and　manifest　disorder；
for　the　protection　of　foreign　travellers　and　of　persons　and
interests　localised　in　that　country　but　foreign　to　it。

Such　an　agreement　as　I　have　here　sketched　out　would　at　once　lift
international　politics　out　of　the　bloody　and　hopeless　squalor　of
the　present　conflict。　　It　is；　I　venture　to　assert；　the　peace　of
the　reasonable　man　in　any　country　whatever。　　But　it　needs　the
attention　of　such　a　disengaged　people　as　the　American　people　to
work　it　out　and　supply　it　withweight。　　It　needs　putting　before
the　world　with　some　sort　of　authority　greater　than　its　mere
entire　reasonableness。　　Otherwise　it　will　not　come　before　the
minds　of　ordinary　men　with　the　effect　of　a　practicable
proposition。　　I　do　not　see　any　such　plant　springing　from　the
European　battlefields。　　It　is　America's　supreme　opportunity。　　And
yet　it　is　the　common　sense　of　the　situation；　and　the　solution
that　must　satisfy　a　rational　German　as　completely　as　a　rational
Frenchman　or　Englishman。　　It　has　nothing　against　it　but　the
prejudice　against　new　and　entirely　novel　things。


3

In　throwing　out　the　suggestion　that　America　should　ultimately
undertake　the　responsibility　of　proposing　a　world　peace
settlement；　I　admit　that　I　run　counter　to　a　great　deal　of
European　feeling。　　Nowhere　in　Europe　now　do　people　seem　to　be　in
love　with　the　United　States。　　But　feeling　is　a　colour　that
passes。　　And　the　question　is　above　matters　of　feeling。　　Whether
the　belligerents　dislike　Americans　or　the　Americans　dislike　the
belligerents　is　an　incidental　matter。　　The　main　question　is　of
the　duty　of　a　great　and　fortunate　nation　towards　the　rest　of　the
world　and　the　future　of　mankind。

I　do　not　know　how　far　Americans　are　aware　of　the　trend　of　feeling
in　Europe　at　the　present　time。　　Both　France　and　Great　Britain
have　a　sense　of　righteousness　in　this　war　such　as　no　nation；　no
people；　has　ever　felt　in　war　before。　　We　know　we　are　fighting　to
save　all　the　world　from　the　rule　of　force　and　the　unquestioned
supremacy　of　the　military　idea。　　Few　Frenchmen　or　Englishmen　can
imagine　the　war　presenting　itself　to　an　American　intelligence
under　any　other　guise。　　At　the　invasion　of　Belgium　we　were
astonished　that　America　did　nothing。　　At　the　sinking　of　the
/Lusitania/　all　Europe　looked　to　America。　　The　British　mind
contemplates　the　spectacle　of　American　destroyers　acting　as
bottleholders　to　German　submarines　with　a　dazzled　astonishment。
〃Manila；〃　we　gasp。　　In　England　we　find　excuses　for　America　in　our
own　past。　　In　'64　we　betrayed　Denmark；　in　'70　we　deserted　France。
The　French　have　not　these　memories。　　They　do　not　understand　the
damning　temptations　of　those　who　feel　they　are　〃/au…dessus　de
la　melee。/〃　They　believe　they　had　some　share　in
the　independence　of　America；　that　there　is　a　sacred　cause　in
republicanism；　that　there　are　grounds　for　a　peculiar　sympathy
between　France　and　the　United　States　in　republican　institutions。
They　do　not　realise　that　Germany　and　America　have　a　common
experience　in　recent　industrial　development；　and　a　common　belief
in　the　〃degeneracy〃　of　all　nations　with　a　lower　rate　of　trade
expansion。　　They　do　not　realise　how　a　political　campaign　with　the
slogan　of　〃Peace　and　a　Full　Dinner…Pail〃　looks　in　the　middle
west；　what　an　honest；　simple；　rational　appeal　it　makes　there。
Atmospheres　alter　values。　　In　Europe；　strung　up　to　tragic　and
majestic　issues；　to　Europe　gripping　a　gigantic　evil　in　a　death
struggle；　that　would　seem　an　inscription　worthy　of　a　pigsty。　　A
child　in　Europe　would　know　now　that　the　context　is；　〃until　the
bacon…buyer　calls；〃　and　it　is　difficult　to　realise　that　adult
citizens　in　America　may　be　incapable　of　realising　that　obvious
context。

I　set　these　things　down　plainly。　　There　is　a　very　strong
disposition　in　all　the　European　countries　to　believe　America
fundamentally　indifferent　to　the　rights　and　wrongs　of　the
European　struggle；　sentimentally　interested　perhaps；　but
fundamentally　indifferent。　　President　Wilson　is　regarded　as　a
mere　academic　sentimentalist　by　a　great　number　of　Europeans。
There　is　a　very　widespread　disposition　to　treat　America　lightly
and　contemptuously；　to　believe　that　America；　as　one　man　put　it　to
me　recently；　〃hasn't　the　heart　to　do　anything　great　or　the　guts
to　do　anything　wicked。〃　　There　is　a　strong　undercurrent　of
hostility　therefore　to　the　idea　of　America　having　any　voice
whatever　in　the　final　settlement　after　the　war。　　It　is　not　for　a
British　writer　to　analyse　the　appearance　that　have　thus　affected
American　world　prestige。　　I　am　telling　what　I　have　observed。

Let　me　relate　two　trivial　anecdotes。

X　came　to　my　hotel　in　Paris　one　day　to　take　me　to　see　a　certain
munitions　organisation。　　He　took　from　his　pocket　a　picture
postcard　that　had　been　sent　him　by　a　well…meaning　American
acquaintance　from　America。　　It　bore　a　portrait　of　General
Lafayette；　and　under　it　was　printed　the　words；　〃General
Lafayette；　/Colonel　in　the　United　States　army。/〃

〃Oh！　　These　Americans！〃　　said　X　with　a　gesture。

And　as　I　returned　to　Paris　from　the　French　front；　our　train
stopped　at　some　intermediate　station　alongside　of　another　train
of　wounded　men。　　Exactly　opposite　our　compartment　was　a　car。　　It
arrested　our　conversation。　　It　was；　as　it　were；　an　ambulance
/de　grand　luxe/；　it　was　a　thing　of　very　light；　bright　wood
and　very　golden　decorations；　at　one　end　of　it　was　painted　very
large　and　fair　the　Stars　and　Stripes；　and　at　the　other　fair…sized
letters　of　gold　proclaimedI　am　sure　the　lady　will　not　resent
this　added　gleam　of　publicity〃Presented　by　Mrs。　William
Vanderbilt。〃

My　companions　were　French　writers　and　French　military　men；　and
they　were　discussing　with　very　keen　interest　that　persistent
question；　〃the　ideal　battery。〃　　But　that　ambulance　sent　a　shaft
of　light　into　our　carriage；