the civilization of the renaissance in italy-第4部分

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　what　can　be　　thought　of　Frederick　III？　His　journeys　to　Italy　have　the　air　of　　holiday…trips　or　pleasure…tours　made　at　the　expense　of　those　who　wanted　　him　to　confirm　their　prerogatives；　or　whose　vanity　is　flattered　to　　entertain　an　emperor。　The　latter　was　the　case　with　Alfonso　of　Naples；　　who　paid　150；000　florins　for　the　honour　of　an　imperial　visit。　At　　Ferrara；　on　his　second　return　from　Rome　（1469）；　Frederick　spent　a　whole　　day　without　leaving　his　chamber；　distributing　no　less　than　eighty　　titles；　he　created　knights；　counts；　doctors。　notariescounts；　indeed；　　of　different　degrees；　as；　for　instance；　counts　palatine；　counts　with　　the　right　to　create　doctors　up　to　the　number　of　five；　counts　with　the　　rights　to　legitimatize　bastards；　to　appoint　notaries；　and　so　forth。　The　　Chancellor；　however；　expected　in　return　for　the　patents　in　question　a　　gratuity　which　was　thought　excessive　at　Ferrara。　The　opinion　of　Borso；　　himself　created　Duke　of　Modena　and　Reggio　in　return　for　an　annual　　payment　of　4；000　gold　florins；　when　his　imperial　patron　was　　distributing　titles　and　diplomas　to　all　the　little　court；　is　not　　mentioned。　The　humanists；　then　the　chief　spokesmen　of　the　age；　were　　divided　in　opinion　according　to　their　personal　interests；　while　the　　Emperor　was　greeted　by　some　of　them　with　the　conventional　acclamations　　of　the　poets　of　imperial　Rome。　Poggio　confessed　that　he　no　longer　knew　　what　the　coronation　meant：　in　the　old　times　only　the　victorious　　Imperator　was　crowned；　and　then　he　was　crowned　with　laurel。

With　Maximilian　I　begins　not　only　the　general　intervention　of　foreign　　nations；　but　a　new　imperial　policy　with　regard　to　Italy。　The　first　step　　　the　investiture　of　Lodovico　il　Moro　with　the　duchy　of　Milan　and　the　　exclusion　of　his　unhappy　nephew　　was　not　of　a　kind　to　bear　good　　fruits。　According　to　the　modern　theory　of　intervention　when　two　parties　　are　tearing　a　country　to　pieces；　a　third　may　step　in　and　take　its　　share；　and　on　this　principle　the　empire　acted。　But　right　and　justice　　could　be　involved　no　longer。　When　Louis　XI　was　expected　in　Genoa　　（1507）；　and　the　imperial　eagle　was　removed　from　the　hall　of　the　ducal　　palace　and　replaced　by　painted　lilies；　the　historian　Senarega　asked　　what；　after　all；　was　the　meaning　of　the　eagle　which　so　many　revolutions　　had　spared；　and　what　claims　the　empire　had　upon　Genoa。　No　one　knew　more　　about　the　matter　than　the　old　phrase　that　Genoa　was　a　_camera　imperii_。　　In　fact；　nobody　in　Italy　could　give　a　clear　answer　to　any　such　　questions。　At　length　when　Charles　V　held　Spain　and　the　empire　together；　　he　was　able　by　means　of　Spanish　forces　to　make　good　imperial　claims：　　but　it　is　notorious　that　what　he　thereby　gained　turned　to　the　profit；　　not　of　the　empire；　but　of　the　Spanish　monarchy。

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Closely　connected　with　the　political　illegitimacy　of　the　dynasties　of　　the　fifteenth　century　was　the　public　indifference　to　legitimate　birth；　　which　to　foreigners　　for　example；　to　Commines　　appeared　so　　remarkable。　The　two　things　went　naturally　together。　In　northern　　countries；　as　in　Burgundy；　the　illegitimate　offspring　were　provided　for　　by　a　distinct　class　of　appanages；　such　as　bishoprics　and　the　like：　in　　Portugal　an　illegitimate　line　maintained　itself　on　the　throne　only　by　　constant　effort；　in　Italy。　on　the　contrary；　there　no　longer　existed　a　　princely　house　where　even　in　the　direct　line　of　descent；　bastards　were　　not　patiently　tolerated。　The　Aragonese　monarchs　of　Naples　belonged　to　　the　illegitimate　line；　Aragon　itself　falling　to　the　lot　of　the　brother　　of　Alfonso　I。　The　great　Federigo　of　Urbino　was；　perhaps；　no　Montefeltro　　at　all。　When　Pius　II　was　on　his　way　to　the　Congress　of　Mantua　（1459）；　　eight　bastards　of　the　house　of　Este　rode　to　meet　him　at　Ferrara；　among　　them　the　reigning　duke　Borso　himself　and　two　illegitimate　sons　of　his　　illegitimate　brother　and　predecessor　Lionello。　The　latter　had　also　had　　a　lawful　wife；　herself　an　illegitimate　daughter　of　Alfonso　I　of　Naples　　by　an　African　woman。　The　bastards　were　often　admitted　to　the　succession　　where　the　lawful　children　were　minors　and　the　dangers　of　the　situation　　were　pressing；　and　a　rule　of　seniority　became　recognized；　which　took　no　　account　of　pure　or　impure　birth。　The　fitness　of　the　individual；　his　　worth　and　capacity；　were　of　more　weight　than　all　the　laws　and　usages　　which　prevailed　elsewhere　in　the　West。　It　was　the　age；　indeed；　in　which　　the　sons　of　the　Popes　were　founding　dynasties。　In　the　sixteenth　　century；　through　the　influence　of　foreign　ideas　and　of　the　counter…　reformation　which　then　began；　the　whole　question　was　judged　more　　strictly：　Varchi　discovers　that　the　succession　of　the　legitimate　　children　'is　ordered　by　reason；　and　is　the　will　of　heaven　from　　eternity。'　Cardinal　Ippolito　de'　Medici　founded　his　claim　to　the　　lordship　of　Florence　on　the　fact　that　he　was　perhaps　the　fruit　of　a　　lawful　marriage；　and　at　all　events　son　of　a　gentlewoman；　and　not；　like　　Duke　Alessandro；　of　a　servant　girl。　At　this　time　began　those　morganatic　　marriages　of　affection　which　in　the　fifteenth　century；　on　grounds　　either　of　policy　or　morality；　would　have　had　no　meaning　at　all。

But　the　highest　and　the　most　admired　form　of　illegitimacy　in　the　　fifteenth　century　was　presented　by　the　Condottiere；　who　whatever　may　　have　been　his　origin；　raised　himself　to　the　position　of　an　independent　　ruler。　At　bottom；　the　occupation　of　Lower　Italy　by　the　Normans　in　the　　eleventh　century　was　of　this　character。　Such　attempts　now　began　to　keep　　the　peninsula　in　a　constant　ferment。

It　was　possible　for　a　Condottiere　to　obtain　the　lordship　of　a　district　　even　without　usurpation；　in　the　case　when　his　employer；　through　want　of　　money　or　troops；　provided　for　him　in　this　way；　under　any　circumstances　　the　Condottiere；　even　when　he　dismissed　for　the　time　the　greater　part　　of　his　forces；　needed　a　safe　place　where　he　could　establish　his　winter　　quarters；　and　lay　up　his　stores　and　provisions。　The　first　example　of　a　　captain　thus　portioned　is　John　Hawkwood；　who　was　invested　by　Gregory　XI　　with　the　lordship　of　Bagnacavallo　and　Cotignola。　When　with　Alberigo　da　　Barbiano　Italian　armies　and　leaders　appeared　upon　the　scene；　the　　chances　of　founding　a　principality；　or　of　increasing　one　already　　acquired；　became　more　frequent。　The　first　great　bacchanalian　outbreak　　of　military　ambition　took　place　in　the　duchy　of　Milan　after　the　death　　of　Giangaleazzo　（1402）。　The　policy　of　his　two　sons　was　chiefly　aimed　at　　the　destruction　of　the　new　despotisms　founded　by　the　Condottieri；　and　　from　the　greatest　of　them；　Facino　Cane；　the　house　of　Visconti　　inherited；　together　with　his　widow；　a　long　list　of　cities；　and　400；000　　golden　florins；　not　to　speak　of　the　soldiers　of　her　first　husband　whom　　Beatrice　di　Tenda　brought　with　her。　From　henceforth　that　thoroughly　　immoral　relation　between　the　governments　and　their　Condottieri；　which　　is　characteristic　of　the　fifteenth　century；　became　more　and　more　　common。　An　old　storyone　of　those　which　are　true　and　not　true；　　everywhere　and　nowheredescribes　it　as　follows：　The　citizens　of　a　　certain　town　（Siena　seems　to　be　meant）　had　once　an　officer　in　their　　service　who　had　freed　them　from　foreign　aggression；　daily　they　took　　counsel　how　to　recompense　him；　and　concluded　that　no　reward　in　their　　power　was　great　enough；　not　even　if　they　made　him　lord　of　the　city。　At　　last　one　of　them　rose　and　said；　'Let　us　kill　him　and　then　worship　him　　as　our　patron　saint。'　And　so　they　did；　following　the　example　set　the　　Roman　senate　with　Romulus。　In　fact　the　Condottieri　had　reason　to　fear　　none　so　much　as　their　employers：　if　they　were　successful；　they　became　　dangerous；　and　were　put　out　of　the　way　like　Roberto　Malatesta　just　　after　the　victory　he　had　won　for　Sixtus　IV　（1482）；　if　they　failed；　the　　vengeance　of　the　Venetians　on　Carmagnola　showed　to　what　risks　they　were　　exposed　（1432）。　It　is　characteristic　of　the　moral　aspect　of　the　　situation　that　the　Condottieri　had　often　to　give　their　wives　and　　children　as　hostages；　and　notwithstanding　this；　neither　felt　nor　　inspired　confidence。　They　must　have　been　heroes　of　abnegation；　natures　　like　Belisarius　himself；　not　to　be　cankered　by　hatred　and　bitterness；　　only　the　most　perfect　goodness　could　save　them　from　the　most　monstrous　　iniquity。　No　wonder　then　if　we　find　them　full　of　contempt　for　all　　sacred　things；　cruel　and　treacher…　ous　to　their　fellows　men　who　cared　　nothing　whether　or　no　they　died　under　the　ban　of　the　Church。　At　the　　same　time；　and　through　the　force　of　the　same　conditions；　the　genius　and　　capacity　of　many　among　them　attained　the　highest　conceivable　　development；　and　won　for　them　the　admiring　devotion　of　their　followers；　　their　armies　are　the　first　in　modern　history　in　which　the　personal　　credit　of　the　leader　is　the　one　moving　power。　A　brilliant　example　is　　shown　in　the　life　of　Francesco　Sforza；　no　prejudice　of　birth　could　　prevent　him　from　winning　and　turning　to　account　when　he　needed　it　a　　boundless　devotion　from　each　individual　with　whom　he　had　to　deal；　it　　happened　more　than　once　that　his　enemies　laid　down　their　arms　at　the　　sight　of　him；　greeting　him　reverently　with　uncovered　heads；　each　　honoring　in　him　'the　common　father　of　the　men…at…arms。'　The　race　of　the　　Sforza　has　this　special　interest　that　from　the　ve