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really　an　injury　to　us。



I　know　that　this　is　very　desirable　with　me；　as　with　everybody　else；

that　all　the　elements　of　the　opposition　shall　unite　in　the　next

Presidential　election　and　in　all　future　time。　I　am　anxious　that　that

should　be；　but　there　are　things　seriously　to　be　considered　in

relation　to　that　matter。　　If　the　terms　can　be　arranged；　I　am　in　favor

of　the　union。　　But　suppose　we　shall　take　up　some　man；　and　put　him

upon　one　end　or　the　other　of　the　ticket；　who　declares　himself　against

us　in　regard　to　the　prevention　of　the　spread　of　slavery；　who　turns　up

his　nose　and　says　he　is　tired　of　hearing　anything　more　about　it；　who

is　more　against　us　than　against　the　enemy；　what　will　be　the　issue？

Why；　he　will　get　no　slave　States；　after　all；he　has　tried　that

already　until　being　beat　is　the　rule　for　him。　　If　we　nominate　him

upon　that　ground；　he　will　not　carry　a　slave　State；　and　not　only　so；

but　that　portion　of　our　men　who　are　high…strung　upon　the　principle　we

really　fight　for　will　not　go　for　him；　and　he　won't　get　a　single

electoral　vote　anywhere；　except；　perhaps；　in　the　State　of　Maryland。

There　is　no　use　in　saying　to　us　that　we　are　stubborn　and　obstinate

because　we　won't　do　some　such　thing　as　this。　　We　cannot　do　it。　　We

cannot　get　our　men　to　vote　it。　　I　speak　by　the　card；　that　we　cannot

give　the　State　of　Illinois　in　such　case　by　fifty　thousand。　　We　would

be　flatter　down　than　the　〃Negro　Democracy〃　themselves　have　the　heart

to　wish　to　see　us。



After　saying　this　much　let　me　say　a　little　on　the　other　side。　There

are　plenty　of　men　in　the　slave　States　that　are　altogether　good　enough

for　me　to　be　either　President　or　Vice…President；　provided　they　will

profess　their　sympathy　with　our　purpose；　and　will　place　themselves　on

the　ground　that　our　men；　upon　principle；　can　vote　for　them。　　There

are　scores　of　them；　good　men　in　their　character　for　intelligence　and

talent　and　integrity。　　If　such　a　one　will　place　himself　upon　the

right　ground；　I　am　for　his　occupying　one　place　upon　the　next

Republican　or　opposition　ticket。　　I　will　heartily　go　for　him。　　But

unless　he　does　so　place　himself；　I　think　it　a　matter　of　perfect

nonsense　to　attempt　to　bring　about　a　union　upon　any　other　basis；　that

if　a　union　be　made；　the　elements　will　scatter　so　that　there　can　be　no

success　for　such　a　ticket；　nor　anything　like　success。　　The　good　old

maxims　of　the　Bible　axe　applicable；　and　truly　applicable；　to　human

affairs；　and　in　this；　as　in　other　things；　we　may　say　here　that　he　who

is　not　for　us　is　against　us；　he　who　gathereth　not　with　us；

scattereth。　　I　should　be　glad　to　have　some　of　the　many　good　and　able

and　noble　men　of　the　South　to　place　themselves　where　we　can　confer

upon　them　the　high　honor　of　an　election　upon　one　or　the　other　end　of

our　ticket。　　It　would　do　my　soul　good　to　do　that　thing。　　It　would

enable　us　to　teach　them　that；　inasmuch　as　we　select　one　of　their　own

number　to　carry　out　our　principles；　we　are　free　from　the　charge　that

we　mean　more　than　we　say。



But；　my　friends；　I　have　detained　you　much　longer　than　I　expected　to

do。　　I　believe　I　may　do　myself　the　compliment　to　say　that　you　have

stayed　and　heard　me　with　great　patience；　for　which　I　return　you　my

most　sincere　thanks。









ON　PROTECTIVE　TARIFFS



TO　EDWARD　WALLACE。



CLINTON；　October　11；　1859



Dr。　EDWARD　WALLACE。



MY　DEAR　SIR：I　am　here　just　now　attending　court。　　Yesterday；　before

I　left　Springfield；　your　brother；　Dr。　William　S。　Wallace；　showed　me　a

letter　of　yours；　in　which　you　kindly　mention　my　name；　inquiring　for

my　tariff　views；　and　suggest　the　propriety　of　my　writing　a　letter

upon　the　subject。　　I　was　an　old　Henry…Clay…Tariff　Whig。　　In　old　times

I　made　more　speeches　on　that　subject　than　any　other。



I　have　not　since　changed　my　views。　　I　believe　yet；　if　we　could　have　a

moderate；　carefully　adjusted　protective　tariff；　so　far　acquiesced　in

as　not　to　be　a　perpetual　subject　of　political　strife；　squabbles

changes；　and　uncertainties；　it　would　be　better　for　us。　　Still　it　is

my　opinion　that　just　now　the　revival　of　that　question　will　not

advance　the　cause　itself；　or　the　man　who　revives　it。



I　have　not　thought　much　on　the　subject　recently；　but　my　general

impression　is　that　the　necessity　for　a　protective　tariff　will　ere

long　force　its　old　opponents　to　take　it　up；　and　then　its　old　friends

can　join　in　and　establish　it　on　a　more　firm　and　durable　basis。　　We；

the　Old　Whigs；　have　been　entirely　beaten　out　on　the　tariff　question；

and　we　shall　not　be　able　to　re…establish　the　policy　until　the　absence

of　it　shall　have　demonstrated　the　necessity　for　it　in　the　minds　of

men　heretofore　opposed　to　it。　　With　this　view；　I　should　prefer　to　not

now　write　a　public　letter　on　the　subject。　　I　therefore　wish　this　to

be　considered　confidential。　　　I　shall　be　very　glad　to　receive　a

letter　from　you。



Yours　truly；

A。　LINCOLN。









ON　MORTGAGES



TO　W。　DUNGY。



SPRINGFIELD；　November；　2；　1859。



WM。　DUNGY；　Esq。



DEAR　SIR：Yours　of　October　27　is　received。　　When　a　mortgage　is　given

to　secure　two　notes；　and　one　of　the　notes　is　sold　and　assigned；　if

the　mortgaged　premises　are　only　sufficient　to　pay　one　note；　the　one

assigned　will　take　it　all。　　Also；　an　execution　from　a　judgment　on　the

assigned　note　may　take　it　all；　it　being　the　same　thing　in　substance。

There　is　redemption　on　execution　sales　from　the　United　States　Court

just　as　from　any　other　court。



You　did　not　mention　the　name　of　the　plaintiff　or　defendant　in　the

suit；　and　so　I　can　tell　nothing　about　it　as　to　sales；　bids；　etc。

Write　again。



Yours　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









FRAGMENT　OF　SPEECH　AT　LEAVENWORTH；　KANSAS；

DECEMBER；　1859。



。。。。。。。。。。。。。　　But　you　Democrats　are　for　the　Union；　and　you　greatly

fear　the　success　of　the　Republicans　would　destroy　the　Union。　　Why？　Do

the　Republicans　declare　against　the　Union？　Nothing　like　it。　　Your　own

statement　of　it　is　that　if　the　Black　Republicans　elect　a　President；

you　〃won't　stand　it。〃　You　will　break　up　the　Union。　　If　we　shall

constitutionally　elect　a　President；　it　will　be　our　duty　to　see　that

you　submit。　　Old　John　Brown　has　been　executed　for　treason　against　a

State。　　We　cannot　object；　even　though　he　agreed　with　us　in　thinking

slavery　wrong。　　That　cannot　excuse　violence；　bloodshed　and　treason。

It　could　avail　him　nothing　that　he　might　think　himself　right。　　So；　if

we　constitutionally　elect　a　President；　and　therefore　you　undertake　to

destroy　the　Union；　it　will　be　our　duty　to　deal　with　you　as　old　John

Brown　has　been　dealt　with。　　We　shall　try　to　do　our　duty。　　We　hope　and

believe　that　in　no　section　will　a　majority　so　act　as　to　render　such

extreme　measures　necessary。









TO　G。　W。　DOLE；　G。　S。　HUBBARD；　AND　W。　H。　BROWN。



SPRINGFIELD；　Dec。　14；　1859



MESSRS。　DOLE；　HUBBARD　&　BROWN。



GENT。：Your　favor　of　the　12th　is　at　hand；　and　it　gives　me　pleasure

to　be　able　to　answer　it。　　It　is　not　my　intention　to　take　part　in　any

of　the　rivalries　for　the　gubernatorial　nomination；　but　the　fear　of

being　misunderstood　upon　that　subject　ought　not　to　deter　me　from

doing　justice　to　Mr。　Judd；　and　preventing　a　wrong　being　done　to　him

by　the　use　of　nay　name　in　connection　with　alleged　wrongs　to　me。



In　answer　to　your　first　question；　as　to　whether　Mr。　Judd　was　guilty

of　any　unfairness　to　me　at　the　time　of　Senator　Trumbull's　election；　I

answer　unhesitatingly　in　the　negative；　Mr。　Judd　owed　no　political

allegiance　to　any　party　whose　candidate　I　was。　　He　was　in　the　Senate；

holding　over；　having　been　elected　by　a　Democratic　Constituency。　　He

never　was　in　any　caucus　of　the　friends　who　sought　to　make　me　U。　S。

Senator；　never　gave　me　any　promises　or　pledges　to　support　me；　and

subsequent　events　have　greatly　tended　to　prove　the　wisdom；

politically；　of　Mr。　Judd's　course。　　The　election　of　Judge　Trumbull

strongly　tended　to　sustain　and　preserve　the　position　of　that　lion　of

the　Democrats　who　condemned　the　repeal　of　the　Missouri　Compromise；

and　left　them　in　a　position　of　joining　with　us　in　forming　the

Republican　party；　as　was　done　at　the　Bloomington　convention　in　1856。



During　the　canvass　of　1858　for　the　senatorship　my　belief　was；　and

still　is；　that　I　had　no　more　sincere　and　faithful　friend　than　Mr。

Juddcertainly　none　whom　I　trusted　more。　　His　position　as　chairman

of　the　State　Central　Committee　led　to　my　greater　intercourse　with

him；　and　to　my　giving　him　a　larger　share　of　my　confidence；　than　with

or　to　almost　any　other　friend；　and　I　have　never　suspected　that　that

confidence　was；　to　any　degree；　misplaced。



My　relations　with　Mr。　Judo　since　the　organization　of　the　Republican

party；　in；　our　State；　in　1856；　and　especially　since　the　adjournment

of　the　Legislature　in　Feb。；　1857；　have　been　so　very　intimate　that　I

deem　it　an　impossibility　that　he　could　have　been　dealing

treacherously　with　me。　He　has　also；　at　all　times；　appeared　equally

true　and　faithful　to　the　party。　In　his　position　as　chairman　of　the

com