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part05+-第67部分
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respect;but his dealings with the Roman Catholic Church at
large show not merely wisdom but kindliness。 If he felt bound to
resist; and did successfully resist; the efforts of Cardinal
Rampolla to undermine German rule and influence in Alsace and
Lorraine; there was a quiet fairness and justice in his action
which showed a vast deal of tolerant wisdom。 His visits to the
old Abbey of Laach; his former relations with its young abbot;
his settlement of a vexed question by the transfer of the abbot
to the bishopric of Metz; his bringing of a loyal German into
episcopal power at Strasburg; his recent treatment of the prince
bishop of Breslau and the archbishop of Cologne; all show a wise
breadth of view。 Perhaps one of the brightest diplomatic strokes
in his career was his dealing with a Vatican question during his
journey in the East。 For years there had been growing up in world
politics the theory that France; no matter how she may deal with
monks and nuns and ultramontane efforts within her own immediate
boundaries; is their protector in all the world beside; and
especially in the Holy Land。 The relation of this theory to the
Crimean War; fifty years ago; is one of the curious things of
history; and from that day to this it has seemed to be hardening
more and more into a fixed policyeven into something like a
doctrine of international law。 Interesting was it; then; to see
the Emperor; on his visit to the Sultan; knock the ground from
under the feet of all this doctrine by securing for the Roman
Catholic interest at Jerusalem what the French had never been
able to obtainthe piece of ground at the Holy City; so long
coveted by pious Catholics; whereon; according to tradition; once
stood the lodging of the Virgin Mary。 This the Emperor quietly
obtained of the Sultan; and; after assisting at the dedication of
a Lutheran church at Jerusalem; he telegraphed to the Pope and to
other representatives of the older church that he had made a gift
of this sacred site to those who had so long and so ardently
desired it。
Considerable criticism has been made on the score of his evident
appreciation of his position; and his theory of his relation to
it; but when his point of view is cited; one perhaps appreciates
it more justly。 I have already shown this point of view in the
account of the part taken by him at the two…hundredth anniversary
of the Royal Academy; and of his remark; afterward; contrasting
his theory of monarchy with that of Dom Pedro of Brazil。 Jocose
as was the manner of it; it throws light upon his idea of his
duty in the state。 While a constitutional monarch; he is not so
in the British sense。 British constitutional monarchy is made
possible by the 〃silver streak〃; but around the German Empire; as
every German feels in his heart; is no 〃silver streak。〃 This fact
should be constantly borne in mind by those who care really to
understand the conditions of national existence on the continent
of Europe。 Herein lies the answer to one charge that has been so
often made against the German Emperorof undue solicitude
regarding his official and personal position; as shown in sundry
petty treason trials。 The simple fact is that German public
opinion; embodied in German law; has arrived at the conclusion
that it is not best to allow the head of the state to be the
sport of every crank or blackguard who can wield a pen or pencil。
The American view; which allowed Lincoln; Garfield; and McKinley
to be attacked in all the moods and tenses of vituperation; and
to be artistically portrayed as tyrants; drunkards; clowns;
beasts of prey; and reptiles; has not yet been received into
German modes of thought。 Luther said that he 〃would not suffer
any man to treat the Gospel as a sow treats a sack of oats〃; and
that seems to be the feeling inherent in the German mind
regarding the treatment of those who represent the majesty of the
nation。
And here a word regarding the relation of Kaiser and people。 In
one of the letters to John Adams written by Thomas Jefferson as
they both were approaching the close of life; the founder of
American democracy declared that he had foreseen the failure of
French popular rule; and had therefore favored in France;
democrat though he was; a constitutional monarchy。 Had Jefferson
lived in our time; he would doubtless have arrived at a similar
conclusion regarding Germany; for he would have taken account of
the difference between a country like ours; with no long period
of history which had given to dominant political ideas a
religious character;a country stretching from ocean to ocean;
with no neighbors to make us afraid; and a country like
Germany; with an ancient historic head; with no natural
frontiers; and beset on every side by enemies; and Jefferson
would doubtless have taken account also of the fact that; were
the matter submitted to popular vote; the present sovereign; with
his present powers; would be the choice of an overwhelming
majority of the German people。 The German imperial system; like
our own American republican system; is the result of an evolution
during many generationsan evolution which has produced the
present government; decided its character; fixed its form;
allotted its powers; and decided on the men at the head of it;
and this fact an American; no matter how devoted to republicanism
and democracy in his own country; may well acknowledge to be as
fixed in the political as in the physical world。
Of course some very bitter charges have been made against him as
regards Germany; the main one being that he does not love
parliamentary government and has; at various times; infringed
upon the constitution of the empire。
As to loving parliamentary government; he would probably say that
he cannot regard a system as final which; while attaching to the
front of the chariot of progress a full team to pull it forward;
attaches another team to the rear to pull it backward。 But
whatever his theory; he has in practice done his best to promote
the efficiency of parliamentary government; and to increase
respect for it in his kingdom of Prussia; by naming as life
members of the Senate sundry men of the highest character and of
immense value in the discussion of the most important questions。
Two of these; appointed during my stay; I knew and admired。 The
first; Professor Gustav Schmoller; formerly rector of the
University of Berlin; is one of the leading economists of the
world; who has shown genius in studying and exhibiting the
practical needs of the German people; and in discerning the best
solutions of similar problems throughout the worldprofound;
eloquent; conciliatory; sure to be of immense value as a senator。
The second; Professor Slaby; director of the great technical
institution of Germany at Charlottenburg; is one of the leading
authorities of the world on everything that pertains to the
applications of electricity; a great administrator; a wise
counselor on questions pertaining to the German educational
system。 Neither of these men orates; but both are admirable
speakers; and are sure to be of incalculable value。 I name them
simply as types: others were appointed; equally distinguished in
other fields。 If; then; the Emperor is blamed for not liking
parliamentary and party government; it is only fair to say that
he has taken the surest way to give it strength and credit。
As to the alleged violations of the German constitution; the
same; in a far higher degree; were charged against Kaiser William
I and Bismarck;and these charges were true;but it is also
true that thereby those men saved and built up their country。 As
a matter of fact; the intuitive sense as well as the reflective
powers of Germans seem to show them that the real dangers to
their country come from a very different quarterfrom men who
promote hatreds of race; class; and religion within the empire;
and historic international hatreds without it。
So; too; various charges have been made against the Emperor as
regards the United States。 From time to time there came; during
my stay; statements in sundry American newspapers; some
belligerent; some lacrymose; regarding his attitude toward our
country。 It seemed to be taken for granted by many good people
during our Spanish War that the Emperor was personally against
us。 It is not unlikely that he may have felt sympathy for that
forlorn
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